Telangana JAC sans Congress not weak, says Kodandaram

(Courtesy : http://www.indianexpress.com/news/telangana-jac-sans-congress-not-weak-says-kodandaram/583914/0)

The Joint Action Committee (JAC), spearheading the separate Telangana agitation, on Wednesday said the exit of the the ruling Congress has not weakened its movement.

"Non-party forums have been playing a leading role in the movement. Congress leaders were confined to lobbying in Delhi. It helped to some extent. But the absence of Congress would not make much of a difference as far as the movement is concerned," JAC Convener C Kodandaram said here.

He said the Telangana agitation was initiated by non-party forums in 1996 and the movement got a push with the formation of TRS in 2001 and parties like BJP supporting it.

"The non-party forums were revived after 2004 and they are playing a creative and major role," he said.

The exit of the Congress from the JAC, he said, would give a clear direction to the pro-Telangana agitation and actually help strengthen the movement with other parties and non-party forums playing an effective role, he said. Kodandaram said the JAC decided to boycott the Srikrishna committee as it cannot rely on it, as a political decision has to be taken on the demand for Telangana.

Reality of Telangana

Telangana Liberation – A Peoples Struggle

Memories and Recollections
By
Sri. Maroju Srihari, (Retd. D.E.O.) Jangaon, Warangal Dt.

After a great struggle and sacrifice of Indian people, the British parliament passed an act. It was the act of independence 1947. According to this act, two separate countries, Indian union and Pakistan came in to existence on 15th August 1947. British declared Independence to more than 500 princely states along with India and Pakistan. These princely states were out side the British Indian Dominion. British gave to these princely states their own independent decision to chalk out their future course. They were left free to join either of the states i.e., India and Pakistan or to remain as separate independent states. Sardar Vallabhai Patel, the then Deputy Prime Minister of India took a stern actions to integrate all the princely states. With a stroke of pen all the princely states except Kashmir, Hyderabad state and JunaGadh, decided to join Indian Union.

The people of Junagadh rose in revolt. The Government of India was forced to take over the control of the Junagadh. Jammu and Kashmir remained as independent state for some time but Pakistan encouraged people in North West and also invaded Jammu and Kashmir at that moment. The Maharaja of Kashmir appeared to Indian union and signed the instrument of accession. . The Indian troops went into Jammu and Kashmir and fought the invading forces, and thus Jammu and Kashmir became part of India.

The state of Hyderabad was very big in area. There were 8 Districts of Atraf Balda, Medak, Nizamabad, Mahabubnagar, Nalgonda, Warangal, Karimnagar and Adilabad districts in Telangana; 6 districts, Aurangabad, Nanded, Beed, Osmanabad, Bidar and Parbhani, Maratwada. Gulbarga and Raichur, 2 districts in Karnataka area. Altogether there were 16 districts. Mir Osman Ali Khan, the Nizam of Hyderabad was the ruler. He was having his own currency, postage and stamps. He had his own railways Nizam state railway (N.S.Railway), Bus services, airport and air-services. He had his own armed forces. The state was rich with abundance of minerals, coal, iron, and other valuable metal reserves, further more he was regarded as the wealthiest king in the world. Keeping in view of all the resources, wealth and abundance of natural resources, the aristocrats, i.e. the Nawabs and Jagirdhars, who were around him provoked and forced the Nizam of Hyderabad to declare independence.

On 15th August 1947, the Nizam declared independence and the yellow coloured flag the Asafjahi Jhanda was hoisted. Though the ruler was a Muslim, the majority of people in the state were Hindus. Obviously majority of the people wanted to join the Indian Union. Sensing revolt from the people, the Nawabs and Jagirdars began to make plans to crush down the upsurge of the people if any.

Laique Ali was the chief minister and he was the mastermind behind the entire aftermath happenings in the state. A private army called "Razakars" was formed. Most of the Muslim youth were enrolled as Razakars and they were given military training. "Khasim Razvi" an High court advocate was made the state leader of the Razakars, Razakars is a urdu word meaning "volunteer". General public in the state were very much disappointed and protested against the imperialism of the Nizam rule. Some people went under ground and fought against the police and Razakars. But the regular police along with the Razakars let loose the terror among the people. There was arson, loot, murder and rapes through out the state. The unrest and upsurge of the people were called disturbances. With the pretext of maintaining peace the regular police and Razakars committed all kinds of atrocities, some of the rich people went out of the state and took shelter in the neighboring states of Indian union. Particularly the people of Telangana area went to Andhra area. The Telangana people, who expected sympathetic treatment from the Andhra people, were greatly disappointed. Instead of showing sympathy and stretching helping hand, they ill-treated them. At every place they were humiliated and insulted. All the essential commodities and foodstuffs were sold to the telangana people at double rates. The house rents were also increased. Thus the telangana people suffered economically and mentally. Here in the towns and cities, the locks of the vacant houses were broken and they were occupied by the Muslims brought from the villages, where there was threat to their lives from the Communists. Almost all the big towns and cities were full of Muslims. The plight of Hindus in these towns was very miserable. There was constant fear and terror and they were living with a danger to their lives. In those days every Muslim even a boy used to say that Hindus were "Gaddar", "Gaddar" is an Urdu word which means, "traitor".

Among the people who remained in their houses the police took some prominent persons in to custody that they thought could organize and create trouble. They were put in jails. In Jangaon also some prominent person like Peddi Narayana, Dr.Shankar Rao, K.P.S.Menon, Arvapalli Narayana, U.V.S.Shastri and Harakari Srinivasa Rao were taken in to custody and put in Chenchalguda Central Jail in Hyderabad. Like wise all over the state police arrested a number of influential and prominent people and put them in central jails. Due to the short of place in jails, the Ajanta and Ellora caves were also made Jails. Dasharathi Krishnama Chari, the state poet was also arrested and kept in the Ellora and Ajanta caves as prisoner, where he wrote his familiar poetic line, "Naa Telangana, Koti Ratanala Veena", such was the patriotism of Telangana people.

During the period of Nizam, there were a number of Deshmukhs, Jagirdars and Jamindars who were familiarly called as "Doras". With the blessings of Nizam Doras enjoyed full powers to rule the villages at their will and they used to collect the land revenue too. All the villagers, living in small huts were either tenants of their lands or workers working in their fields. These Deshmukhs were very cruel, notorious and unkind to the people. The atrocities of these Deshmukhs were no less than the Razakars. Particularly in Telangana Region there were a great number of Deshmukhs, who let loose the terror and violence among the villagers. Hence the people of this region were forced to join the Communist movement only to check and stop the atrocities of these "Doras".

In old Jangaon taluk there is a village named Visnoor, where Rapaka Ramachandra Reddy was the Deshmukh. There were 60 villages under his control. He built a big bunglow with the free labor of the villagers. Nothing was paid to the workers. It is called "Vetti". The workers and other villagers rose against the Deshmukh. They could not tolerate the atrocities of the Deshmukh and his hench men. There was a fierce battle between his men and villagers. Many villagers were seriously injured and "Doddi Komaraiah" was killed. At that time the Andhra Mahasabha led the people movement. They held a big rally in Jangaon town and arranged seminars and meetings for three days where "Doddi Komaraiah gate" was erected in his memory. Many leaders like Ravinarayana Reddy, Baddam Ella Reddy, Arutla Ramchandra Reddy and his wife Arutla Kamala Devi and Arutla Laxminarasimha Reddy spoke. They described Visnoor Deshmukh as "Kaliyuga Ravanasoor". Slowly the struggle started by the common people of the region against the imperialism, started bending towards communism. Thus communism got its birth in this area mainly because of Visnoor Deshmukh.

During the period of Razakars i.e. after the Nizam of Hyderabad declared independence the entire state of Hyderabad was caught in fear and terror and full of disturbances every where. At that time lakhs of Muslims came to Hyderabad in special trains from Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Orissa. They were all uneducated workers land laborers. Their clothes were shabby and dirty. They were called " Phanagazeen". It is a urdu word meaning "refugees". So the entire responsibility of their rehabilitation fell on the state administration. The Nawabs, Jagirdars and Deshmukhs took some of these refugees to their areas and looked after them. They were given food and shelter. These refugees were also given the army training and they were also supplied guns and made Razakars. These refugees were used to crush the peoples struggle and upsurge.

Babu Dora was the elder son of Visnoor Deshmukh. He was very cruel and notorious. He took hundreds of these refugees to Visnoor and kept them under his control. They not only guarded the Deshmukh building but let loose terror and committed atrocities among the villagers Babu Dora along with the armed gang of these refugees used to go to some villages and harassed the villagers. Every day Babu Dora killed one or more persons wherever he went. In Devaruppula village three persons were burnt alive. He was so notorious that he made some of the women dance naked. Villagers were very much afraid of this Babu Dora. So the Communists of this area fought against these forces. Under this Visnoor Deshmukh there was one village named "Kadavendi". A youth by name "Nalla Narsimhulu" of this village became the leader of Communists of this area.

All the Deshmukhs and police personnel were afraid of Nalla Narsimhulu. They could not get sound sleep to hear his name. Gabbeta Tirmal Reddy and his brother Madhav Reddy were also organizers of Communists and fought against the feudalists and their atrocities. Arutla Ramchandra Reddy and his wife Arutla Kamala Devi, and Arutla Laxminarsimha Reddy organized the Communist Dalams in Alair and Bhongir area. All these leaders had to go under ground and organized armed dalams and fought against the police and Razakars.

To counter the uprising of the people in Jangaon area, a special Deputy Collector was posted at Jangaon. He was given extra-ordinary powers and the armed special police battalions to crush the peoples upsurge and to maintain peace, law and order in this area. In Jangaon, just behind our house there was a private Muslim doctor, by name Azeejullah. He was well versed in Telugu language. He used to tell Harikathas in Telugu. Azeejullah was made leader of Razakars in Jangaon. The deputy collector used to go to one or two villages every day along with special police and Razakars with the pretext of maintaining peace in the area. Doctor Azeezullah, the leader of the Razakars used to give lectures in Telugu supporting to the government and to eliminate the Communists who were regarded as unsocial elements.

Whenever the villagers heard the sounds of approaching trucks and lorries the men and youth used to run away from their houses without even caring for their children and women. They used to run away in to the fields and forests to save their lives. The villagers who ever remained in villages were gathered at central place and enquired as to who gave food and shelter to the Communists, and then police took such people under their custody. Meanwhile the Razakars attacked the houses and took away all the costly and useful articles, most of the villagers were beaten and killed and the women were humiliated, insulted even some were raped. There was arson, loot, murder and rape wherever the Razakars went. The police use to take some of the youth to taluk headquarters i.e. Jangaon and they were beat and tortured for some days and lastly they were taken out side Jangaon town and shot dead at a small hillock called "Pottigutta”. The dead bodies were left in the open place to rot and were eaten away by beasts and vultures. There was evil smell of the dead bodies around the Jangaon town. The regular police and Razakars under the direction of government officers and the deputy collector committed all these atrocities.

On the other side whenever the Communists entered the villages they also used to enquiry as to who gave information to the police. They used to beat them and took them out side the village and sometimes even killed them. The people in the villages were living in the state of terror and fear feeling threat from both sides i.e. the police and Razakars on one side and Communists on the other side. Their plight was very miserable.

In every state there was a representative of Indian government called resident. Sri K.M.Munshi was the resident on Hyderabad state. He stayed at Thirumalagiri near Bollaram. There was some Indian army with him. Indian government received the reports from Sri K.M.Munshi that there was complete break down of law and order in the state and people are agitating against the Nizam government. But the state government sent contradicting reports stating that there were no disturbances at all in the state. There was perfect peace and no reasons for the Indian government to doubt the Hyderabad state authority in maintaining the law and order .

Villagers in the state particularly in Jangaon taluk was very much vexed with the atrocities of the police and Razakars. There is a village named Bahiranpalli in Jangaon taluk. This village had a "Buruj" built of mud and stones and it was in the centre of the village. By standing on the "Buruz" one can see all around the village. So they employed some youth and kept them on this buruz to guard day and night with guns. They kept watch on borders of the village. They used to fire from the top of "Buruz" and prevented the police and Razakars and even Communists. Thus they protected themselves and saved lives of their children and families.

The deputy collector of Jangaon one day went to this village along with his armed special police and Razakars as a routine of his mission to maintain peace among the villagers, when the guards on the "buruz" of village saw the vehicles of the police and Razakars, they started firing. The police also fired at the "buruz" but could not break it. Further the police and the Razakars could not go even a step forward and counter the incessant firing from the guards of the village. The deputy collector felt humiliated and went back to Jangaon. He sent a wireless message to Nalgonda, the district head quarters. In his message he stated that a few villages at Bahiranpally area are acting as the centers of Communist activity. They have built a strong "Morchas" and also strong-armed men to fight against the government forces. He also requested to send some additional forces with strong machine guns and cannons.

The next day additional special reserved police with military trucks, guns and cannons arrived at Jangaon on 27th August 1948. The deputy collector went to village of Bhairanpally along with his special police battalion and Razakars. At first the police surrounded the entire village so that no one can run out of the village. Then they fired the cannons aimed at the buruj. At once the upper part of the buruz collapsed and the guards on it had to run away from there. Then the police and Razakars entered the village and killed all the youth and men leaving only the children, old men and women. The entire village was full of blood and dead bodies. It was a mass killing. It reminded of the massacre of Jallianwalla Bagh in Punjab on 13th April 1919, where more than 1000 men were killed and several thousands got wounded. It was the most uncivilized atrocity. The Govt. of India got the reports of this massacre committed by the regular police. Sardhar Vallabhai Patel sent a warning to the government of Hyderabad state. He stated that the state government failed to maintain the law and order in the state and its people were put to many unseen and unknown troubles and many people were killed. So the government of India was forced to send its own army to the state of Hyderabad to maintain the law land order to save the lives and properties of the common people. If the state government tried to prevent the army from entering in to the state the army will take action and use force. The state government of Hyderabad protested and countered that the Government of India was having a false report. There are no disturbances in the state. There is complete peace and law and order is fully maintained.

But at zero hours on 13th September 1948, the Indian army started moving in to the state on all sides. On the same day two fighter planes came to Mamnoor police camp and bombed the Aerodrome so that no plane from out side can come and land there. When the army from eastern side came to Khammam, the Razakars went in side the fort and closed the doors and fired on the Indian troops from inside the fort. Two bombers fighters came and bombed the fort from above. Thus the Indian troops advanced from all sides and major general J.N.Chowdhary who advanced from Maharashtra side could reach the Hyderabad on 17th September 1948 and made the Nizam of Hyderabad to declare that he is joining the Indian union. Thus the Indian government took over the control of the administration of the state on 17th September 1948. That is the day Telangana has been liberated.

Major General J.N.Chowdary was made the military administrator of the state. The state of Hyderabad was under the military rule for one year. Even after the military took over the administration of the state, the Communist who went under ground did not stop their movement to fight against the imperialism of the Deshmukhs. Nalgonda and Warangal districts were declared disturbed areas and General Nanjappa was appointed special officer for these two districts. He was given extraordinary powers to crush the Communist movement. Many Communist leaders were taken as prisoners and presented before the court for legal proceedings. Nalla Narasimhulu the Communist leader who terrified the Deshmukhs and Nizam was arrested and presented before the court. After the trial for few years in different courts the Supreme Court acquitted him finally. He continued as the leader of the Communist party and lived in Jangaon till his death. Gabbeta Tirumal Reddy who was also arrested but was killed by the army in a fake encounter. Arutla Ramachandra Reddy and his wife Arutla Kamaladevi and Arutla Laxminarsimha Reddy were arrested and after the trials in the court they were acquitted. Charabuddi Jagga Reddy father of Sri Charabuddi Dayakar Reddy, the present Chairman of the C.D.R.Hospital Hyderabad was also an under ground Communist leader. He was also arrested and after the trial in the court he was acquitted. Ravi Narayana Reddy, Baddam Yella Reddy and Govind Rao Sharab were the leading Communist leaders. They contested the general elections and won the elections. Arutla Ramachandra Reddy and his wife also contested and represented the Communist party in the assembly. Sri Ravi Narayana Reddy contested parliament elections and won the Nalgonda parliament seat with highest number of votes in whole of India. Thus the under ground movement of Communist came to an end. Magdoom Mohiuddin a Communist and a well known journalist won MLA seat from Jangaon. The Communists left the armed struggle and started participating in the mainstream political process and contested the assembly and parliament elections. The underground movement of armed struggle came to an end once forever.

Jai Telangana Jai Jai Telangana
Maroju Srihari (Retd. D.E.O),
Jangaon, Warangal Dt.

State Policy and Irrigational Disparities: A Study of Telangana's Backwardness

S.Simhadri (Reader, Department of Geography, Osmania University)

Telangana, the semi-arid land of India, is experiencing drought often pushing large numbers of people to the margins of living. Drought visits south Telangana "once in two and half years" (DDFA, p.47). The rainfall of about 70 cm and less in southern Telangana hardly justifies the fact that the region should languish under semi-arid conditions. In fact, the region forms part of the catchment of the perennial rivers Krishna and Godavari. The irrigation policy initiative over the years continuously favored the Delta region leaving a large number of people at the mercy of degraded nature and sub-human living. Thus "Telangana backwardness has essentially political roots: with better administration the considerable water resources could have been more fully tapped for irrigation. Telangana is still mainly a dry farming area, like Rayalaseema, but the reason for this in Telangana is long term failure to harness the potentialities of the area "(Forrester, DB, 1970, P.8).

Irrigation Policy

The irrigation works of British engineers in the construction of Yamuna canals and Ganga canal of northern India proved financially beneficial during the nineteenth century under colonial irrigation policy. Military engineer, Arthur Cotton's, works on the Cauvery Delta system, the Godvari Delta system and the Kristna Delta system fetched good financial returns. Under the 'guarantee system' colonial government was pressurised to hand over irrigation works to private enterprise with a guaranteed return of five per cent on the capital outlay. The works taken up by Madras Irrigation Company on the River Tungabhadra-KC Canal, incurred heavy losses and it had to hand over the incomplete works to the government in 1882. In the year 1879 the Parliament decided to apply the criterion called the "Productivity Test" for major projects to assure the financial returns (CBIP 1965). However, the First Famine Commission of 1880 underlined "the need for direct state initiative in the development of irrigation particularly in the vulnerable areas. It also recommended that irrigation be given priority over other competing fields, such as the railways. The two great famines of 1897-98 and 1899-1900 however, left the government with no alternative but to initiate protective measures against drought and famine over large areas" (Jain 1972: p.62). Further the first Irrigation Commission of India of 1901 in its report submitted in 1903, favored protective irrigation projects in precarious regions in preference to the productivity test. Through the Government of India Act of 1935, irrigation was brought under the local provincial governments, excepting treating irrigation as federal in Inter-State disputes (CBIP, 1965).

The post-independent development of irrigation has relaxed the productivity test of irrigation projects. Several projects had been taken up by the planning authorities to protect people from fragile environs (CBIP, 1965). The inter-state allocation of water of river Krishna was taken up by the Planning Commission in the early period of planning. "The need from an All India point of view for increasing available food supplies within the shortest possible time and on the most economic basis" (KWDT, 1969 p.9) was considered a part of the policy framework by the Planning Commission, besides expressing the importance of the development of backward regions. In view of the disagreement expressed by the riparian states of the river Krishna the Government of India appointed the Krishna Godavari Commission in 1961 to report on the matters concerning the availability of water in Krishna, requirements of the projects on the Krishna and feasibility of diverting surplus water from river Godavari to Krishna. "The Krishna Godavari Commission could not find answers to any of the terms of reference" (KWDT, 1969 p 13 5). This was followed by the publication of a report of Krishna water disputes Tribunal headed by Justice Bachawat in 1976. While addressing the inter-state allocation of Krishna water, the Tribunal also made intra-state allocations of the river water in view of treating the state as single territorial unit. In the light of the regional diversification and uneven regional development in the state of Andhra Pradesh, the intrastate river water allocation/development has become a bone of contention.

The brief analysis of the irrigation development in Andhra Pradesh illustrates the regional politics in the making of the irrigation system. While debating the merger of a backward region with developed region irrigation figured as an important problem. During the merger of backward Rayalaseema with developed Coastal Andhra, Rayalaseema insisted through the Sribagh Pact in

1937 that "to ensure the rapid development of the agricultural and economic interests of Rayalaseema and Nellore to the level of those in the coastal districts, schemes of irrigation should, for a period of ten years or such longer period as conditions may necessitate, be given a preferential claim specially in respect of the utilization of the waters of Tungabhadra, Krishna and Pennar, giving for ten years exclusive attention in respect of major projects beneficial to these areas" (Rao, 1972 p.57). Similarly, during the proposed merger of Andhra Region (AR) with Hyderabad State the issue of river waters figured again. Leaders from Telangana expressed fears more about impending social, political, economic and institutional domination over backward region by developed people of the Delta and Rayalaseema. The Telangana Reddy leadership feared that they may be politically ruined by the Rayalaseema Reddys and the Circar Brahmins who were political pundits as there was no stopping for these forces. "Further some of the people from Telangana felt that in the then Andhra State, parochialism and casteism were rampant right from the Minister to the ordinary political worker" (Rao, 1972 p 74-75). The proponents of Visalandhra presented their expansionist regional ideology before the State Reorganization Committee (SRC) that "the formation of Visalandhra will be that the development of the Krishna and Godavari rivers will thereby be brought under unified control ... complete unification of either the Krishna or the Godavari Valley is not, of course, possible. But if one independent political jurisdiction, namely that of Telangana, can be eliminated, the formulation and implementation of plans in the eastern areas in these two great river basins will be greatly expedited" (SRC Report, 372). This position of Andhra ideologues amply proves the bias over water resources belonging to Telangana.

Regional Pattern of Irrigation Land Use

An examination of the land use of Andhra Pradesh under different sources of irrigation speaks of the changing pattern of land use. In the category of Geographical area irrigated (GAI) in the state at the time of the formation of the state was 79.07 lakh acres (1955-56). This has grown over the period of four decades to the size of 1.28 crore acres (1994-95) in the state.

GAI is inclusive of area irrigated by canals, tanks, tube wells, other wells and other sources. In the category of canals the state increased its area from 31.28 lakh acres (1955-56) to 39.67 lakh acres (1994-95). The regional break up under this category shows that GAI in Telangana region increased from 8.85 per cent to 14.44 per cent over the four decades. Tank irrigation of the state shows the declining trend from the area of 26.38 lakhs in 1955-56 to 17.09 lakh acres in 1994-95.

The share of tank irrigation decreased from 41.88 per cent in 1955-56 to 31.64 per cent in 1994-95 (DES). Tank irrigation in Telangana is a vital input in the drought ecosystem and is being threatened by the irrigation policy. On the other hand, during four decades, the percentage share of tank irrigation in Andhra region increased from 58.11 per cent to 68.35 per cent.

The development of major irrigation in the river basins of Krishna and Godavari by the successive Governments of Andhra Pradesh worked in favor of Coastal Andhra. The share of river waters through major irrigation in the Krishna basin of each Telangana, Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema is 27 per cent, 56 per cent and 17 per cent, respectively, whereas the catchment share is Telangana 69 per cent Coastal Andhra 13 per cent and Rayalaseema 17 per cent. The share of catchment of the river Godavari of Telangana and Coastal Andhra is 79 per cent and 21 per cent. However, the development of irrigation potential in the Godavari basin is only about one-third of its allocation of 1495 tmc. ft. of which developed irrigation potential is about 270 tmc ft. in Coastal Andhra and only 185 tmc ft. in Telangana (Simhadri 1996). Due to political and bureaucratic neglect of Telangana in irrigation a large quantity of the precious water drains into the Indian ocean.

Major Irrigation: An Analysis

An analysis of the development of major irrigation of Telangana exposes the ruling and bureaucratic forces constituted predominantly by people of Andhra region. They operate at many levels--region, caste, class and in appropriating the water resources of the river basins of Krishna and Godavari. The regional bias is visible in all aspects of the projects. The political and bureaucratic roots of policymakers and implementers have a bearing on the concept of the project, budgetary allocation, expenditure, time frame and so on.

Historically, such an element of bias in major irrigation favored the Andhra region by denying the genuine needs of the Telangana region. This is amply substantiated by the fact that the ayacut contemplated under the Godavari anicut initially was 4.38 lakh acres which, has now gone up to 10.69 lakh acres. The ayacut contemplated under the Krishna Anicut has similarly gone up from 5.87 lakh acres to 12.65 lakh acres. So was the case with the ayacut under both the Pennar anicut at Nellore and Sangham which grew from 1.75 lakh acres to 2.5 lakhs (The Hindu).

The irrigation projects of Telangana invariably have differential performance, often with reduced storage capacities and shrinking commands. An analysis of the Sriramsagar project (SRSP) shows that the project was proposed as an Integrated Godavari Valley project by the erstwhile Hyderabad state to develop irrigation potential with 400 tmc ft. to irrigate 40 lakh acres in seven districts of Telangana. SRSP passed through various proposals of 257 tmc ft. followed by 160 tmc. ft. and ended with the construction at Pochampad with 112 tmc. ft. capacity. However, siltation caused heavy shrinkage in dead storage capacity with utilization of 86 tmc. ft. The initial contemplation of irrigated area of 40 lakh acres reduced to 16.9 lakh acres in the name of Pochampad project (SRSP) and is presently irrigating about 3.00 lakh acres by utilizing 66 tmc. ft. of water.The SRSP is to be executed in two stages by bringing areas of Adilabad, Nizamabad, Karimnagar, Warangal, Nalgonda districts. The canal works are yet be taken up in Warangal and Nalgonda. Lack of proper development of canals and distributaries and canal lining to contain seepages, has resulted, in the tail end farmers not been able to access water yet. The Government's threats, through its orders, to convert wet land use to irrigated dry through localization, which is advised by the World Bank with 1:3 ratio of wet and I.D. respectively is causing restlessness among farmers. Impact of irrigation in the Deltas is manifested by water logging and salination. This doesn't prompt the state to propose change of land use. This policy of overlooking the impact on environment arises out of the perception of the state that it would offend the powerful farming community and its fallout on state's politics. A small change in policy may spark off an agitation which was witnessed in the recent past in Coastal Andhra on account of the proposed increase of power tariff and irrigation cess.

Nizamsagar project, the earliest major project of Hyderabad state, across the river Manjira, a tributary of the river Godavari, is also affected with siltation thereby reducing its capacity from 29.73 tmc ft. to 25 tmc ft. The area proposed to be irrigated to the tune of 2.75 lakh acres has declined to about 1.00 lakh acres. There are various other schemes developed across the river Manjira to meet the drinking and industrial water needs of the city of Hyderabad. Under the Singoor project alone about 69 villages have been submerged and this has also happened to many other projects causing suffering to people of Telangana. The land use in the basins of Manjira and Musi is subjected to the continuous surveillance thereby denying the legitimate rights to subsistence irrigation needs to the drought prone districts of Medak and Rangareddy of Telangana. Rajolibanda Diversion Scheme was contemplated with 15 tmc ft. of water to irrigate 87,000 acres in severely drought prone Mahabubnagar district of Telangana was reduced to 6.51 tmc. ft. with an irrigable area of 50,000 acres (Eenadu). The much awaited Jurala project, was proposed with 28.2 tmc ft. and it is reduced to 17.84 tmc. ft. The project was to irrigate 1.02 lakh acres but ended with giving water to just 20,000 acres in Mahabubnagar district. Many proposals of lift irrigation in Mahabubnagar including Bhima are gathering dust. These are projected by successive Governments as proposals to be taken up in the plans and annual budgets for the sake of public consumption and more damagingly to procure funds which, in reality, are not used for the purpose.

The erstwhile state of Hyderabad along with that of Madras state conceived ,an irrigation project in 1930 at Nandikonda (Rao, 1979). The area contemplated for Telangana was about 7.9 lakh acres and 2.33 lakh acres for Andhra state (CBT & B, 1965 p. 152). The area of Telangana was reduced to about six lakh acres, one lakh acres through lift irrigation by Nagarjunasagar left bank canal has been left in the shape of the plan only. But the Visalandhra ideologues down through K.L. Rao, the siphon head of irrigation bureaucracy of Andhra region, conceived large area under Nagarjuna Sagar right bank canal and today it is irrigating coastal Andhra to the tune of 13.00 lakh acres against the original plan of 2.33 lakh acres.

Although there was a proposal of Srisailam irrigation scheme for 150 tmc. ft. in Telangana in front of Bachawat Tribunal, it has not been allocated even a drop of water for irrigation in Telangana and remains as a carry over reservoir, whose evaporation losses have been compensated by Bachawat award by allotting 33 tmc ft.(KWDT, 1976). The agitation for water in Rayalaseema gave rise to the committee in the year 1983. The Government of Andhra Pradesh appointed Technical Committee under the chairmanship of Raja Rao to assess the surplus water available in Krishna river. The committee in its report in 1985, estimated 300 tmc ft. surplus water in Krishna and allocated 30 tmc ft. for Srisailam Left Bank Canal (SLBC), 19 tmc ft. for Srisailam Right Bank Canal (SRBC), 29 tmc ft. for Telugu Ganga Project (TGP), besides the hitherto allocation of 15 tmc ft. for drinking needs of Madras (Rao, 1996). The Karnataka Government objected to surplus water as it would assume rights after 2001. However, the Government of Andhra Pradesh went ahead with the execution of TGP but left the SLBC to the confusion of confounding positions and statements. On account of the availability of more water in the river Godavari at Icchampally, some proposals were prepared under Icchampally project to irrigate through lift/gravity to the tune of 30 lakh acres and has remained at the stage of proposals.

The State's role in the irrigation environment of Andhra Pradesh, stands exposed on various fronts. Spatially, it has shown scant attention to drought and backwardness. Historically, it manipulated the planning, budgetary and execution of irrigation projects to the advantage of Coastal Andhra. Bureaucratic institutions created hurdles to delay the approvals and revisions at different stages. While negotiating irrigation in backward regions the state delayed the allocated budgets till last minute so that funds could be diverted to favored regions. Also the bias in favor of Coastal Andhra is evident in spending extra budgetary funds, early completion of projects, modernization of project, regular and repeated drainage and flood control works , construction of balancing reservoirs doubly assure irrigation.

The River Water Controversy

The major river basins of Deccan portray the irrigation scenario differently. The Krishna river paints the picture of the exhaustion of its water and the river Godavari emerges with under utilization of its water. In the light of Alamatti controversy many questions surfaced pertaining to river water sharing by riparian states / regions. The Government of Andhra Pradesh is arguing that the increase of the height of Alamatti project would prevent the early flows resulting from south west monsoon in Krishna during normal rainfall and thus result in the non availability of water for crops in kharif season in large agricultural tracts under the commands of Nagarjunasagar and Prakasam barrage. It is argued further that if there is a failure of monsoon the commands would go dry not only during kharif but also rabi season. However, it is to be mentioned that the state of Karnataka had to utilize river waters within the allocated quantity by leaving the legitimate share of waters to the state of Andhra Pradesh located in the down stream of the river Krishna. Establishment of an independent Krishna River valley Authority is therefore needed to judiciously regulate/allocate water to the needy regions in the river basin. It is noteworthy to mention here that the availability of water in the river Krishna is more in the upper reaches as huge bouts of rain water result in western ghats due to south west monsoon. On the contrary the water availability in Godavari Basin is in the lower reaches particularly at the confluence of Indravathi at Icchampally.

Interestingly the large tracts of the irrigation commands of Andhra Pradesh fall in the Coastal Andhra districts of Krishna, Guntur and Prakasam, representing the numerically and economically strong Kamma caste population which forms the backbone of Telugu Desam Party (TDP) besides providing leadership to other mainstream parties of Congress, CPI and CPI(M). The enterprising Kamma peasantry is in the forefront in absorbing innovations and technologies in agriculture. In the early part of colonial transition the farming/business community of the region readily absorbed the colonial /commercial farming techniques and gave rise to monoculturisation of agriculture. During the times of Green Revolution, the region became a natural choice for internalizing the water intensive crops with heavy, modern input-based agriculture. In fact, the historical development of irrigation in this region has come handy in embracing and accumulating the new found benefits of Green Revolution and modem development. Apart from being the theatre for modern agriculture, the region with Kamma peasantry became a launch pad for many social movements like anti-brahmin movement, nationalist movement, linguistic movement etc. With such rich inheritance the peasantry / business class of the region diversified into various fields. The peasant/businessmen expanded their base by migrating to the areas of emerging opportunities due to the merger of Hyderabad State with Andhra Region and emerged strong in urban centers, industrial nodes, irrigation tracts, mining locations, black soil belts.

The political parties representing ruling and opposition in A.P. rallied behind TDP in orchestrating a chorus against Karnataka whereas the same parties BJP, Congress etc., in Karnataka opposed the Andhra Pradesh stand on Alarnatti. Meanwhile, the questions of the water needs of the semi-desert catchments of the river Krishna in Telangana region have come to the fore. Of late the intelligentsia in Telangana raised the question of their legitimate share of Krishna water. They questioned the disproportionate utilization of Krishna waters in favor of the Coastal Andhra by converting lands of extra catchment of the river as irrigated tracts. This has given rise to the unfolding of the distribution of the waters among the riparian regions. The tribunal (Bachawat) award legitimized the over utilization of water by the Coastal Andhra at the expense of the fragile drought ecosystem of Telangana.

Politics of Irrigation Development

River-centric articulation of Telangana critiques the entire gamut of development and its socio-political initiatives. Historically, particularly from medieval period onwards, the society witnessed a few initiatives in the arena of tank irrigation which in fact have provided sustenance to semi-arid living, apart from serving the treasures of feudal states. The villages with unique presence of tank as a water body across the undulating Telangana landscape suffered setback with the onset of the rule of linguistic state. The juxtapositioning of the two historically different spaces - feudal and capitalist, under linguism has not only unveiled the neo-colonial development but also rejected the existence of hitherto decentralized water conservation system.

The leadership of Telangana has seen the century long irrigational benefits in Krishna Godavari Delta. And it has also witnessed a major political mobilization in Rayalaseema around Krishna river waters during the first quarter of twentieth century which culminated in Sri Bagh pact in 1937. The development of river waters to subsist the irrigational needs of drought prone territories of Rayalaseema became the major thrust of the agreement. Although the two processes have appeared before the dominant leadership of Telangana, they did not make water resources of Krishna and Godavari rivers as a major issue with statutory safeguards during the debate on formation of Vishalandhra. They stood mute witness to the arguments of the dominant caste leadership of the developed delta region and allowed claims over waters of two rivers before the SRC.

The Telangana leadership appended signatures to the Gentlemen's Agreement without even procuring proper statutory safeguards over the very vital and life saving river water resources belonging to the perennially drought prone territories of Telangana. Sharing of ministerial births dominated the agreement. It is callous on the part of the leadership coming from landlords to ignore the drinking and irrigational needs of the entire masses of Telangana. Perhaps, the feudal forces wanted the continuation of backwardness even after the demise of Nizam's feudal rule. The leadership developed through anti-Nizam armed struggle in Telangana was also swayed by the Coastal Andhra leadership.

Even after the formation of Andhra Pradesh the Telangana leadership was largely constituted by landed sections of the dominant castes - Reddy, Velama, which had never demanded a rightful share of river waters. This projects the fact, although it needs substantiation, that the landed sections of the dominant caste leadership have interests in continuation of backwardness of Telangana as the development is likely to percolate down the strata which may lead to the assertion of subalterns and therefore, the likely shift of power from status quoist arrangements. It also shows that the dominant caste/class forces of both the regions have developed nexus and would only pursue the policy of underdevelopment in the backward territories of the State.

Although a large number of irrigation projects like Bhima, Devanur, Icchampalli and also extension of Tungabhadra Left Canal into Mahaboobnagar, were on the anvil on the day of the formation of the state, the linguistic state sacrificed all the projects beneficial to Telangana and concentrated on the development of major irrigation through Nagarjunasagar by altering the Nandikonda project making it beneficial to Coastal Andhra. It is often stated that the very location of Nandikonda Project site was shifted to downwards so that the territories located in the higher elevations in Nalgonda and Khammam districts would not figure in the irrigational map. There was no protest registered by the Telangana leadership. If all the projects contemplated before the formation of state were to be executed the share of Krishna river water for Telangana would have increased manifold. The exploitative acts of Andhra rulers on the river water front had caused greater damage to the river water needs of Telangana.

In fact, the A.P. irrigation policy with an emphasis on major irrigation at the instance of Andhra leadership, coming from alluvial plains where tank irrigation is largely insignificant, has given rise to uneven development/irrigation policy of the regions with two different irrigation systems resulted in trying to eliminate the age old water conservation systems with chains of tank networks instead of taking up the complementary development. After the formation of the linguistic state, the government successfully ignored the maintenance and development of tanks land, allowed them to become unproductive through siltation, breaching etc to become advantageous to the down stream deltas by way of allowing the rain water to pass through the streams and rivulets.

Whatever little initiative has gone into tank irrigation has only facilitated the emergence of contractor class which gained enormously with brokerage and political employment. In fact there should have been an irrigation policy to renew tank, minor and medium irrigation by supplementing major irrigation as both the rivers pass through Telangana carrying heavy flows from the upper reaches. Therefore, the water bodies would have lessened the impact of drought and also the occurrence of drought.

At the instance of global powers and international institutions, the state is reformulating its irrigation policy. The elements of privatization through raising bonds are creeping into the policy making. The state is increasingly shedding its responsibility by assigning the irrigation to the Water Users Associations. This is again a step in the direction of privatization. Such acts of state only aggravate the already existing inequalities in the sphere of irrigation and agrarian economy and manifest sharply in the uneven regional development and exacerbation of drought and famine conditions in Telangana.

The developmental initiatives from the 1960s onwards in the form of Green Revolution have brought in new varieties of rice which are dependent on intensive inputs like water and chemical fertilizers and pesticides. In the absence of the surface water availability, the farmers are forced to go for borewell technology to draw subsurface water from greater depths which has resulted in uprooting of traditional water drawing technique which are sustainable and nature friendly. The borewells have also exerted pressure on the electrification as this is the only way of drawing water from tube well. Therefore the heavy boring of semi-arid surfaces and also the increase of electrification of pumpsets have given rise to the depletion of hydrological regime. Many bore wells are getting dried up at the instance of extensive pumping of water which resulted in the breaking down of the economy and causing serious unrest among the farmers of Telangana. The recurring drought was aided and abetted with hostile technology and water intensive commercial farming and the absence of surface water conservation development contributed to the complexity of life in Telangana and therefore, the process of marginalisation, migration and desertification.

Today drought is manifested in every facet of human life and it is particularly so with rural poor. The impact of drought is also experienced by animal and green cover. The fast depletion of grazing lands and also the non-availability of fodder are forcing the farmer to sell the cattle for slaughter. The exodus of people from rural areas has only made the living vulnerable. This has also proliferated the squatter settlements and slums in urban areas. The unabated migration that is going on from Coastal lands into Hyderabad for greater profits is also exerting pressure on services and infrastructure. Musi and Manjira rivers traverse the semi-arid lands of Rangareddy, Nalgonda, Medak and Nizamabad districts of Telangana. However, the large quantities of water from these rivers are diverted to subsist the industrial, drinking and other needs of Hyderabad. Otherwise, the rivers would have supplemented the water needs in these districts. Although some lands of Telangana were brought under major irrigation projects, a great number of Kamma peasantry migrated to the newly developed commands and displaced locals from land. The irrigation to wet the lands of local farmers in Telangana is also significantly cornered by migrant enterprising farmers of delta Andhra.

Conclusion

Irrigation politics in A.P. exposed the state's true colours of caste, class, regional bias and its machinations to promote their interests. The people of semi-arid regions in the face of monopolisation by entrenched interests are left with no option excepting constantly mobilising on regional, caste, class, resource fronts to fight against the man-made semi-arid environment of Telangana. People's articulation for democratising water resources is a natural corollary of this situation.

References
CBI & P, 1965:' Development of Irrigation',New Delhi
'Development of Drought-prone Areas'(DDPA), p.47.(-)
Directorate of Economics and Statistics (DES),'A.P.Statisties' 1955-56,1994-95.
Eenadu, 16 September, 1996.
'Excerpts from State Reorganisation Commission Report': in Olympus: A Monthly Journal of Arts & Ideas Vol. XVI No.2 November 1996.
Forrester, D.B. 1970: 'Sub-regionalism in India: The Case of Telangana', Pacific Affairs, Vol. XI, No.111, p.8.
'Further Report of Krishna Water Disputes Tribunal (KWDT)',1976: New Delhi.
Govt. of A.P. 1969: 'Before the Krishna Water Disputes Tribunal (KWDT): Statement of Case of A.P.'pp.9,35,62, MIP
'Perspectives on Telangana -I' 1997: Telangana Information Trust, Hyderabad.
Rao, K.J.R., 1996 : 'Alamatti Vivadhaniki Badhyulevaru?' (unpublished paper).
Rao, K.V.N., 1972: 'Telangana:A Study in the Regional Committees in India',MA,Calcutta p.57 Rao, M.G., 1979: 'Nagarjunasagar', BUB, Bombay.
Simhadri S. 1'996, 'Irrigation in A.P.: Betrayal of Telangana', "Olympus: A Monthly Journal of Arts & Ideas, Vol. xvi, -o. 2, Nov.
Simhadri S. 1996 :'Telangana Kanneeru Thudavani Krishna Nadhi', Vaartha, 22-23, September. The Hindu, 20 January, 1997.

Telangana Today: Status paper

P.L.Vishweshwer Rao (Professor, Osmania University)

The long-suppressed agony of Telangana people is finding expression once again in their aspirations for independent existence and separate identity. After the great betrayal of 1971, they have once again gathered strength to assert themselves; they prepared to stake their all for realization of their dream to be free from the bondage to the people of coastal Andhra.

No movement, no struggle has ever started from the top: from intellectuals, thinkers, political and other leaders, elected representatives and so on. Inevitably, the struggles begin from people - the people give expression to their suffering because it is they who are victims of status quo. The long-dormant hope in the people of Telangana was awakened with the announcement as statehood for Uttarakhand by the Prime Minister H.D. Deve Gowda. Within a year it has gathered so much strength that politicians, realizing its potential have jumped on to its bandwagon. Such disparate schools of thought as People's War Group and Bharatiya Janata Party have supported statehood for Telangana.

Why Telangana State?
Because successive governments and ruling political parties have not only neglected to develop Telangana but have systematically exploited it, denying its share of funds, grabbing its rich, fertile land, exploiting its mineral riches and impoverishing its people. Telangana people have been looked down upon, their language derided, their customs and traditions scorned at, their land grabbed, their houses snatched away. They have been discriminated against in recruitment and developmental programmes. In short, they were colonized in 1956 even as the country threw off colonial yoke.

Let us see a conscious, deliberate well-thought out and implemented conspiracy has worked against the interests of Telangana in the fields of education, irrigation, employment, industrialization, and allotment of funds and the region's share in income for its development. Even in cropping pattern is changing for the worse in Telangana, its traditional food crops being replaced with commercial crops with disastrous consequences.

Education
Elementary education is recognized as one of the fundamental human rights. And yet this human right has been denied to the people of Telangana: the region has the lowest literacy rate and minimal educational infrastructure in the state.

Andhra Pradesh, with a literacy rate of 44.09 percent ranks among the least literate state. It ranks 26^th in the country out of 31 states and Union Territories. It is the most backward in the entire south. As many as eight districts of Telangana out of 10 (including Hyderabad) figure among the most backward educationally. Mahbubnagar has the least literacy rate, both among males(40.8 per cent) and females(18 percent). The entire Telangana, except Hyderabad city and Ranga Reddy Urban areas which are Hyderabad, has lagged behind educationally. Not a single mandal of Telangana has the national literacy rate of 52.19 percent. Coastal Andhra districts account for 33 out of 45 rural mandals which exceeds the national literacy rate (the rest being Rayalaseema). The mandals with lowest literacy rate of less than 20 percent are more in Telangana, as a consequence: 35 such mandals are in Telangana, almost three times those in Coastal Andhra (14). There are only two such mandals in Rayalaseema. District-wise, Adilabad has most of these mandals (14), followed by Mahbubnagar (9), Medak (6), Khammam (3) and Nizamabad, Karimnagar and Nalgonda (one each).

Although Telangana accounts for half of the state's population, less than 25 percent of educational institutions from primary to college level are situated in the region. Only 15 percent of aided junior colleges are in Telangana while it has only two medical colleges. As many as six medical colleges are in the other areas. The region is discriminated in the field of technical education also. Only 26 out of the 72 government ITIs, 20 of the 91 polytechnic colleges are in Telangana. The gross injustice to Telangana can be seen from expenditure on education. Of the total expenditure of Rs 1150.2 crore the state has incurred on the aided degree colleges since 1956, coastal Andhra cornered the loin's share of 73.71 percent while Telangana got a paltry 10.43 percent. The corresponding share of the two regions in the expenditure incurred on the aided junior colleges is 62.71 percent and 9.45 percent, respectively. In this kind of lopsidedness, how can literacy spread? This is no accident; it cannot be especially since it has continued since 1956, and it pervades all type of education - school, college, professional and technical. This discrimination is deliberate, conscious and planned given its spread, the extent, and all-pervasiveness, it cannot be anything but a conspiracy against the people of Telangana.

Irrigation
Of the three regions of the state, Telangana has the largest area, with 11,48,000 sq km, followed by coastal Andhra with 9,28,000 sq km. The cultivable area is estimated at 64,02,358 hectares in Telangana and 46,33,304 hectares in the Coastal Andhra. But 13,12,795 hectares or 28.33 percent of the cultivable land in the Coastal Andhra is being irrigated under canal irrigation system, whereas 2,66,964 hectares or 4.17 percent of the cultivable land in Telangana is receiving canal waters. The entitlement of Telangana of waters of Krishna and Godavari rivers is 975 tmc. ft. In 1974, 800 tmc.ft water was allotted to AP by the Bachawat Award to Andhra Pradesh. A re-distribution of this in 1981 saw coastal Andhra getting the major share with 377.07 tmc, Telangana 266.783 tmc and Rayalaseema 123 tmc. Telangana's share in Godavari waters is 709 tmc.ft of the state's total allotment of 1,495 tmc.ft. Out of its total share 1153.50 tmc (from all sources) barely 380 tmc is used for irrigation.

The discrimination against Telangana stands out glaringly in the amounts spent by the state on irrigation. The amount spent in Telangana so far is Rs. 4005 crores while that spent in Coastal Andhra is Rs. 19,693.50 crores, nearly five times higher. In terms of percentage, while Telangana got a mere 15.5 percent, coastal Andhra got 76 percent. If the principle of expenditure proportionate to cultivable area were to be followed (as it should be), Telangana, with 44.28 percent cultivable area should have got an equivalent amount and coastal Andhra 32.04 percent. Instead, coastal Andhra got more than twice its share.

Since 1956 to date, the additional irrigation potential created in Telangana is only 5 percent since none of the planned irrigation projects have been completed although they were planned 30-40 years ago. The 12 projects sanctioned for Telangana at an estimated cost Rs. 5,449.53 crore to provide for 10.08 lakh hectares have been progressing at snail's pace for decades.

The Sriram Sagar Project (SRSP) was started 1n 1963 and is yet to be completed. Even the first phase of the project was not completed after 33 years. The rehabilitation of the displaced people under this project is still pending. The Bheema project, which is older than Andhra Pradesh has remained on paper. Jurala, Icchampally too have languished. While experts and decision makers debate interminably and have still not decided on Srisailam Left Bank Canal (which is to irrigate about 3 lakhs hectares in Telangana), to supply water either through lift or tunnel. The Srisailam Right Bank Canal feeding the coastal districts progresses steadily. Even the 33 medium projects proposed in Telangana which could utilize 80 to 100 tmc of water at a cost Rs 500 crore have been kept pending. Compare this delay with alacrity attending on the Telugu Ganga project: it got funds allocated consistently year after year, within 12 years of its grounding, the project is supplying water to Chennai.

Even budgetary allocation are not fully spent on projects benefiting Telangana. For the Bheema lift irrigation scheme, the budgetary allocation was nine crore rupees in 1996-97, which was pruned to Rs 10 lakhs. Subsequently, only six lakh rupees were spent. On the SRSP, only six crore rupees were spent during 1996-97 against an allocation of Rs 25 crores. In 33 years only Rs 978 crores had been spent on SRSP. And yet Rs 1075 crores were spent on Telugu Ganga in 12 years.

Callous indifference and neglect of maintenance of tanks in Telangana has reduced the area under tank irrigation by half, an unprecedented occurrence. In 1956-57, 4,47 lakh hectares were under tank irrigation which has come down to 2.26 lakh hectares. This increasingly made Telangana farmers resort to exploiting groundwater which is suicidal for a semi-arid region. This dependence on pumpsets saw a great tragedy befall Telangana farmers early this year: as power supply was erratic, irregular and of low quality (low voltage), they incurred huge losses as other region suffered as much due to power scarcity as Telangana.

Power Situation
As irrigation projects for Telangana got bogged down in delays, cost-overruns, controversies, power generation projects too suffered. The Srisailam Left bank canal is one such project. Only 1543 mw of power is generated in this region whereas the generating capacity of the other two regions is 7477 mw. All power situations with the exception Ramagundam and Kothagudem are located outside Telangana, although Telangana accounts for a major share of power consumption and more than three-fourths of catchment area of Krishna and Godavari rivers is in Telangana. That the needs of Telangana are at the bottom of priorities of the government is evident from the fact as many as two lakh applications for new power connection is pending with the government. Yet, there is no plan to increase the power generating capacity in Telangana even as two lakh people wait in vain for a power connection.

Changing Crop Pattern
A dangerous and little-noticed development that threatens Telangana is the changing cropping pattern in the region with food crops giving away to cash crops. The change has been taking place over two decades now with food crops suitable for semi-arid regions giving way to water-intensive cash crops. Staple cereals such as jawar, maize and bajra preferred by local people, serving as food for them and fodder for their cattle have declined significantly in area. The area under jawar has come down from 13,63,169 hectares to 7,97,864 hectares during 1981-84 to 1990-93. Bajra declined from 1,94,981 hectares to 64,398 hectares and maize fell to 2,55,863 hectares from 3,17,098 hectares. Coarse cereals have been the major staple food for millions of people in the area and a shift from these crops needs to be understood in the context of the needs of the people most of whom continue to languish in poverty. Groundnut, castor, sunflower, cotton, chillies and sugarcane have witnessed considerable growth in cropped area. While sunflower registered 500 percent growth, it is more than 100 percent in case of cotton. Except for castor and groundnut, all other crops have entered the region quite recently.

While it may seem strange that the impoverished farmers of Telangana are opting for water-intensive cash crops in the place of rain-fed food crops, the fact is that this change has been brought about the migrant farmers and not the native ones. Settled in tracts irrigated by Nagarjunasagar and Sriransagar canals, these farmers who came to Telangana in 50s and 60s have adopted sugarcane, sunflower, chillies, cotton and groundnut since returns on them are higher than on traditional crops. Liberalization and opening of the market has come as god-sent opportunity to these farmers to make more money at he cost of the people of Telangana.

In Medak, where cotton has been introduced by the Coastal Andhra farmers on a wide scale, the people realized the dangers from it: it introduced new pests to the region and new diseases since the crop requires heavy doses of strong pesticides, and more important, the change in their dietary habits, from jawar and maize to rice had come with high undesirable price: insufficient nutrition to them and shortage of fodder for their cattle. Helped by NGO, the people have gone back to their traditional crops, which have provided them since time immemorial, food and fodder.

Another development as a result of this change is the rise of a merchant class in towns dealing in these inputs, a majority of whom are immigrants from coastal area. The cash-rich migrants beat the local entrepreneurs and farmers out of the market.

Employment in Government
The entire government and its various departments are dominated by people of Coastal Andhra. This pattern has been a blatant violation of agreement to share government jobs between Andhra and Telangana in the ratio of 2:1. Out of 14 lakh jobs in the government today(1997 figures), Telangana's share has been barely two lakhs and these too are in lower levels. Similarly, of the 531 judicial officers, only 92 belong to the region. Of the 22 judges in the state high court, there are only two representing Telangana. Moreover, no one from Telangana could become the advocate-general since the state was formed in 1956. On the educational front, of the 96,031 primary teachers, only 15,921 belong to Telangana. All the top and middle level jobs cornered by Andhra people: there's not a single secretary in the government today belonging to Telangana. Out of 140 heads of department in the government barring a handful, all are from Coastal Andhra. Public and private undertakings, autonomous bodies, corporations and universities have been made the monopoly of Andhras.

Rules have been twisted, manipulated or simply ignored to ensure government jobs went to those from coastal a Andhras and to keep out Telangana people. The present trend is to keep out the Telangana people even from the posts of peons, bus conductors and drivers. The new recruits are all brought over from coastal districts. This strategy has been adopted since 1956 despite agreements entered into, working out the procedure and share. For instance, in 1966, all of the 70,000 vacancies, of which 90 percent went to the people of Andhra.

The latest example is that of recruitment of more than 200 munisif magistrates, the highest post under direct recruitment. In course of time, they will become district and high court judges. Evidently, with an eye on capturing these crucial posts, the procedure has been changed, more centers of examinations opened in coastal Andhra towns, and it was ensured that an overwhelming majority of examiners chosen belong to Coastal Andhra: 50 of 55 judges-examiners were Andhras. The written examination was held on February 23, 1997. The results were predictable: 68 candidates (80 percent of them from Andhra region) passed from Hyderabad; Warangal ( the only center in Telangana) was only 15. Visakapatnam accounted for 85, Vijaywada 75 and Tirupati 47 successful candidates. Only 30 candidates out of 290 called for interview are from Telangana.

Industrial Development
Industrialization of Telangana has been restricted to the Hyderabad city and Ranga Reddy district due to their physical proximity to the seat of the government. Industries in other parts of Telangana did not take off other than those set up prior to 1956. Several industries in Telangana have been allowed to become sick with government refusing to help out to restore them. Today, more and more PSUs such as Allwyn Auto and Republic Forge, located in Telangana are being closed down by the government for various reason. Those threatened include Antargoan and Sirpur Sirsilk Mills. Others in the line for closure are Nizams Sugar factory, FCI at Godavarikhani and Miryalguda Sugar Mill.

According to data, a major chunk of the existing medium and major industrial units in Telangana are owned by people from coastal Andhra. Of the 10,0000 odd units located in Telangana, only 1250 units are owned by the native Telanganites. Coastal Andhra industrialists own 6000 units and the rest are owned by outsiders from different parts of the country. With regard to employment in these industrial units, only 23 percent belong to Telangana, the rest hail from the Coastal Andhra region.

Budget Allocation
In terms of budget allocations, the pattern is the same: denial, deprivation and diversion. Based on area and population, Telangana should get 39-44 percent of the state's budget allocations. But at no point did its allocation exceed 30 percent. Yet Telangana contributes 42 percent of revenue to the state exchequer. Besides, according to some reports, as much as Rs 5000 crores allocated to Telangana under various heads by successive state governments have been diverted to the coastal Andhra region in the past two decades. This is hardly unbelievable since diversion of all kinds of wealth and resources including Telangana's share of water, has become a regular practice. The plunder and exploitation of Telangana to benefit the coastal Andhra region and its people has been planned, constant and systematic.

The utter indifference of the officials toward Telangana can be seen from a recent occurrence. The Nizamsagar dam on Manjira river, built in 1931 was designed to irrigate 1.1 lakh hectares but enormous siltation over the years has reduced its ayacut by half. A satellite mapping has shown that all its major distributaries (83 in number) and minor distributaries (243) have been silted up as the canal bunds eroded. Nine gates of the dam meant for letting silt escape from the reservoir has been jammed for the past 20 years, reducing the capacity of the reservoir. Nothing has been done to rectify them. In 1992-93, the World bank lent Rs 30 crores for Nizamsagr through its Natural Water Program for remodeling the project. The government utilized only six crores rupees and the rest of the amount lapsed. The state government failed to get the loan revived. A high-powered committee went into question of finding funds for the project and submitted its recommendations in 1994. They have remained on the paper.

Similar is the situation of all major and minor irrigation sources all over Telangana. Breached bunds siltation, infestation by water hyacinth have slowly killed them in places, reduced their ayacut, forcing farmers to drill borewells and open wells as in Toopran mandal of Medak district. This has affected the water table in the region. Medak has as many as 1.2 lakh borewells, all dug in the last few years.

Diversion of resources from an area to another to benefit the latter is feature of colonizer. And this has been going for several decades. Water from Krishana and Godavari, coal from Singareni, limestone for cement factories owned by Andhra entrepreneurs, revenue from Telangana are all diverted to Coastal Andhra region, or Andhra businessmen and entrepreneurs of Andhra settlers in Telangana. The result has been the impoverishment of the people of Telangana, slow and tardy development of the region, oppression of the people by unemployment, discrimination and lack of opportunities.

Statehood is the only Answer to Telangana's Suffering
For hundreds of years, people from various parts of India made Telangana their home. There have never been any instance of intolerance of Telangana people towards them. To the credit of the immigrants, they too adopted the local culture, and contributed some their own to Telangana culture. However, the Andhras were a different category. They came, made their home and life in Telangana, and in a few years, assumed a superior, arrogant posture, looking down upon the Telangana people. Gradually, people who had come looking for opportunities, displaced the local people from every field. This brings to mind the pattern followed by European immigrants to the Americas and the English in India, in fact colonizers everywhere: they come as guests, stay as friends, turn occupiers, and overtime, shunt out the local people to reservations refusing them a place of respect in their dispensation, treating as a lower class citizens.

Case for Smaller States
Whether it is a case of state of Jharkhand or Telangana, the demand for a separate state is opposed mainly by those who have benefited from the exploitation of the disaffected people, just as colonizers everywhere. Several arguments have been put forth against the need, viability and purpose of Telangana. Most important, will Telangana become reality? And if it does, will it eradicate the problems of backwardness, poverty, illiteracy and unemployment?

Need for Telangana
For all the above reasons discussed above, Telangana has to separate. Another important reason is that the merger of the two regions in 1956 did not result in the merger of their hearts, nor have the last 40 years led to emotional integration. Quite to the contrary, in fact, because the economic inequality has grown, the developmental divide has become a chasm and the cultural differences have moved the two people further away. This is because over the last four decades, the relationship of two unequal partners deteriorated into one of oppressor - oppressed, exploiter - exploited. colonizer - colonized. The division has so greatly deepened that there's no going back.. history, attitudes, prejudices cannot be undone easily.

The common language, Telugu, has been devisive rather than unifying factor because that has been the major, most visible and universally experienced by Telangana people. They have been discriminated against, humiliated and ridiculed for the language they speak. If English language is the one dividing factor between English and American people, it is even more so between the people of Telangana and Coastal Andhra: they have been divided by a common language. This one factor rejects the premise of the state reorganization committee that language binds.

Can a backward region develop economically independently? Or does its future lie in a larger state? Experience of larger states like UP, MP and Bihar has shown that size impedes rather than promotes development - the backward remain backward; the administration is unwieldy, and the growth concentrated in pockets. The answer lies in smaller states where decentralization of administration is possible; developmental activities can be more focused in smaller areas; and people can be involved in the process of development, which is a major factor in giving a push to development. An example of how smaller, backward region can come into its own after separating from the more developed region can be seen in Harayana after breaking away from Punjab, and Himachal Pradesh.

Today in India, almost every large state is facing the demand from its backward, neglected, culturally different people to be recognized as different and given independent status and separate identity. Apart from Telangana, 11 regions are seeking statehood, and these are: Vidarbha (Maharastra), Saurastra(Gujarat), Chattisgarh(Madya Pradesh), Malwa, Bundelkhand( both comprising parts of MP and UP), Pancahl Pradesh (Western UP), Poorvanchal (Eastern UP), Uttarkhand (UP), Bodoland (Assam) Gorkhaland( West Bengal) and Jharkhand ( Bihar).

The size of the state cannot be a factor for its viability, as it is being argued by some. If that factor were top be applied, then Telangana should be considered first since there are at least five existing states that are smaller than Telangana. Telangana with 11.48 lakh square kilometers area, 107 Assembly and 14 Parliament constituencies with three crore population is larger than the states of Haryana, Punjab, Rajasthan, Hoimachal Pradesh, and Kerala. Another 49 assembly constituencies and nine parliament constituencies will be added to the present 107 assembly and 14 loka Sabha seats once the constituencies reorganized.

There is nothing sacrosanct about the 1956 merger that it has to be retained at the cost of the people of Telangana. The demand for separate state is neither undemocratic nor unconstitutional. In fact, by refusing to heed the genuine aspirations of the people, the rulers are being undemocratic. They are trying to supress the movement only to protect their own interests and hegemony over Telangana. The ceded districts of Madras Presidency - the Costal Andhra districts - put forth several reasons justfying their demand for separate state in the 1950s.They are extremely similar to those put forward by the people of Tlanga today: political and cultural domination by the Tamils; economic exploitation, discrimination in employment and education, uneven development of the land of the Telugus and jeopardy to the individuality and self-respect of the Telugu people.

The late K .Kaleshwara Rao, the first Speaker of the AP Legislative Assembly in his autobiography expanded on the perception of Andhras under Tamilians, that the latter had greater influence in the legislature, executive and judiciary and the Andhra district were neglected in industries, power, employment, education and economic development. "There are nine bridges across Cauvery but not even one on Krishna and Godavari…the pace of development of towns in Andhra area is no comparison to that of Tamil districts," he said. Supporting the movement for a separate Andhra state, an editorial in Andhra Patrika said, "If a separate state is formed, the very reason for Telugus' backwardness will disappear." If a separate state was an answer to Andhras' development in 1953, why can't a similar solution be adopted for Telangana in 1997?

Agenda for a Separate Telangana State
It is extremely important that if our efforts for a separate state are to succeed we have a clear vision of the future of its people. An agenda needs to be developed through a pooling of ideas, tasks prioritized, and plans outlined to tackle the major problems facing the people.

Blueprints would have to be drawn up for a social and economic development of the people. An action plan is necessary for the immediate tasks on hand, such as land reforms. This could be worked out to be completed within a time-frame to avoid the pitfalls of earlier well-meaning intentions that were hijacked by vested interests in free India.

Universal educational should be the first priority; special efforts should be made make access to education available to the Dalits, women and minorities. This task too should be achieved within a specific time-frame.

Other priorities should be safe drinking water in all villages, electricity and health for all. The rich mineral resources of Telangana, the fertile soil, massive irrigation potential and the hard-working nature of its people will help them to realize their dreams.

A word about the support PWG has extended to Telangana state.: it is welcome, as is all support, from within Telangana and outside. Given the political dominance and brute majority enjoyed by ruling Telugu Desam Party in the Assembly, given the control of the mass media by Coastal Andhra people, and given the threat a separate Telangana poses to the entrenched economic interests that have grown at the cost of Telangana people, any and all support is necessary to carry the struggle forward.

The statement of PWG that it will only support and not lead the agitation should lay to rest apprehensions of break out of violence, or that the struggle for Telangana would be hijacked by PWG. Solidarity and unity of all people, of all ideologies, of all persuasions is the need of the hour.

Another fear, perfectly justified, is that the support of PWG might be used by the state to suppress the Telangana movement. The government has found it convenient to blame PWG for the continuing backwardness of the region, for the agitation of the farmers against low voltage, and for many struggles taking place all over Telangana for justice. There is every danger of the government using the excuse of PWG support to Telangana to crackdown on the movement to suppress it. That is why the movement has to be democratic, peaceful and non-violent.