Contents

Help spread the truth about Telangana region of India. Since 1956, when Andhra and Telangana merged, Telangana has gotten the short end of the stick in terms of natural resources, funding and representation in government. Though two major rivers have their sources in Telangana, irrigation projects divert the precious water to other areas. The feelings have often spilled over into violence, and in 1969, 400 people died in Telangana-related violence.

Saturday, January 30, 2010

Sammakka Sarakka Jathara in Medaram 2010: Special Focus









Telangana Liberation – A Peoples Struggle


Memories and Recollections
By
Sri. Maroju Srihari, (Retd. D.E.O.) Jangaon, Warangal Dt.


After a great struggle and sacrifice of Indian people, the British parliament passed an act. It was the act of independence 1947. According to this act, two separate countries, Indian union and Pakistan came in to existence on 15th August 1947. British declared Independence to more than 500 princely states along with India and Pakistan. These princely states were out side the British Indian Dominion. British gave to these princely states their own independent decision to chalk out their future course. They were left free to join either of the states i.e., India and Pakistan or to remain as separate independent states. Sardar Vallabhai Patel, the then Deputy Prime Minister of India took a stern actions to integrate all the princely states. With a stroke of pen all the princely states except Kashmir, Hyderabad state and JunaGadh, decided to join Indian Union.

The people of Junagadh rose in revolt. The Government of India was forced to take over the control of the Junagadh. Jammu and Kashmir remained as independent state for some time but Pakistan encouraged people in North West and also invaded Jammu and Kashmir at that moment. The Maharaja of Kashmir appeared to Indian union and signed the instrument of accession. . The Indian troops went into Jammu and Kashmir and fought the invading forces, and thus Jammu and Kashmir became part of India.

The state of Hyderabad was very big in area. There were 8 Districts of Atraf Balda, Medak, Nizamabad, Mahabubnagar, Nalgonda, Warangal, Karimnagar and Adilabad districts in Telangana; 6 districts, Aurangabad, Nanded, Beed, Osmanabad, Bidar and Parbhani, Maratwada. Gulbarga and Raichur, 2 districts in Karnataka area. Altogether there were 16 districts. Mir Osman Ali Khan, the Nizam of Hyderabad was the ruler. He was having his own currency, postage and stamps. He had his own railways Nizam state railway (N.S.Railway), Bus services, airport and air-services. He had his own armed forces. The state was rich with abundance of minerals, coal, iron, and other valuable metal reserves, further more he was regarded as the wealthiest king in the world. Keeping in view of all the resources, wealth and abundance of natural resources, the aristocrats, i.e. the Nawabs and Jagirdhars, who were around him provoked and forced the Nizam of Hyderabad to declare independence.

On 15th August 1947, the Nizam declared independence and the yellow coloured flag the Asafjahi Jhanda was hoisted. Though the ruler was a Muslim, the majority of people in the state were Hindus. Obviously majority of the people wanted to join the Indian Union. Sensing revolt from the people, the Nawabs and Jagirdars began to make plans to crush down the upsurge of the people if any.

Laique Ali was the chief minister and he was the mastermind behind the entire aftermath happenings in the state. A private army called "Razakars" was formed. Most of the Muslim youth were enrolled as Razakars and they were given military training. "Khasim Razvi" an High court advocate was made the state leader of the Razakars, Razakars is a urdu word meaning "volunteer". General public in the state were very much disappointed and protested against the imperialism of the Nizam rule. Some people went under ground and fought against the police and Razakars. But the regular police along with the Razakars let loose the terror among the people. There was arson, loot, murder and rapes through out the state. The unrest and upsurge of the people were called disturbances. With the pretext of maintaining peace the regular police and Razakars committed all kinds of atrocities, some of the rich people went out of the state and took shelter in the neighboring states of Indian union. Particularly the people of Telangana area went to Andhra area. The Telangana people, who expected sympathetic treatment from the Andhra people, were greatly disappointed. Instead of showing sympathy and stretching helping hand, they ill-treated them. At every place they were humiliated and insulted. All the essential commodities and foodstuffs were sold to the telangana people at double rates. The house rents were also increased. Thus the telangana people suffered economically and mentally. Here in the towns and cities, the locks of the vacant houses were broken and they were occupied by the Muslims brought from the villages, where there was threat to their lives from the Communists. Almost all the big towns and cities were full of Muslims. The plight of Hindus in these towns was very miserable. There was constant fear and terror and they were living with a danger to their lives. In those days every Muslim even a boy used to say that Hindus were "Gaddar", "Gaddar" is an Urdu word which means, "traitor".

Among the people who remained in their houses the police took some prominent persons in to custody that they thought could organize and create trouble. They were put in jails. In Jangaon also some prominent person like Peddi Narayana, Dr.Shankar Rao, K.P.S.Menon, Arvapalli Narayana, U.V.S.Shastri and Harakari Srinivasa Rao were taken in to custody and put in Chenchalguda Central Jail in Hyderabad. Like wise all over the state police arrested a number of influential and prominent people and put them in central jails. Due to the short of place in jails, the Ajanta and Ellora caves were also made Jails. Dasharathi Krishnama Chari, the state poet was also arrested and kept in the Ellora and Ajanta caves as prisoner, where he wrote his familiar poetic line, "Naa Telangana, Koti Ratanala Veena", such was the patriotism of Telangana people.

During the period of Nizam, there were a number of Deshmukhs, Jagirdars and Jamindars who were familiarly called as "Doras". With the blessings of Nizam Doras enjoyed full powers to rule the villages at their will and they used to collect the land revenue too. All the villagers, living in small huts were either tenants of their lands or workers working in their fields. These Deshmukhs were very cruel, notorious and unkind to the people. The atrocities of these Deshmukhs were no less than the Razakars. Particularly in Telangana Region there were a great number of Deshmukhs, who let loose the terror and violence among the villagers. Hence the people of this region were forced to join the Communist movement only to check and stop the atrocities of these "Doras".

In old Jangaon taluk there is a village named Visnoor, where Rapaka Ramachandra Reddy was the Deshmukh. There were 60 villages under his control. He built a big bunglow with the free labor of the villagers. Nothing was paid to the workers. It is called "Vetti". The workers and other villagers rose against the Deshmukh. They could not tolerate the atrocities of the Deshmukh and his hench men. There was a fierce battle between his men and villagers. Many villagers were seriously injured and "Doddi Komaraiah" was killed. At that time the Andhra Mahasabha led the people movement. They held a big rally in Jangaon town and arranged seminars and meetings for three days where "Doddi Komaraiah gate" was erected in his memory. Many leaders like Ravinarayana Reddy, Baddam Ella Reddy, Arutla Ramchandra Reddy and his wife Arutla Kamala Devi and Arutla Laxminarasimha Reddy spoke. They described Visnoor Deshmukh as "Kaliyuga Ravanasoor". Slowly the struggle started by the common people of the region against the imperialism, started bending towards communism. Thus communism got its birth in this area mainly because of Visnoor Deshmukh.

During the period of Razakars i.e. after the Nizam of Hyderabad declared independence the entire state of Hyderabad was caught in fear and terror and full of disturbances every where. At that time lakhs of Muslims came to Hyderabad in special trains from Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Orissa. They were all uneducated workers land laborers. Their clothes were shabby and dirty. They were called " Phanagazeen". It is a urdu word meaning "refugees". So the entire responsibility of their rehabilitation fell on the state administration. The Nawabs, Jagirdars and Deshmukhs took some of these refugees to their areas and looked after them. They were given food and shelter. These refugees were also given the army training and they were also supplied guns and made Razakars. These refugees were used to crush the peoples struggle and upsurge.

Babu Dora was the elder son of Visnoor Deshmukh. He was very cruel and notorious. He took hundreds of these refugees to Visnoor and kept them under his control. They not only guarded the Deshmukh building but let loose terror and committed atrocities among the villagers Babu Dora along with the armed gang of these refugees used to go to some villages and harassed the villagers. Every day Babu Dora killed one or more persons wherever he went. In Devaruppula village three persons were burnt alive. He was so notorious that he made some of the women dance naked. Villagers were very much afraid of this Babu Dora. So the Communists of this area fought against these forces. Under this Visnoor Deshmukh there was one village named "Kadavendi". A youth by name "Nalla Narsimhulu" of this village became the leader of Communists of this area.

All the Deshmukhs and police personnel were afraid of Nalla Narsimhulu. They could not get sound sleep to hear his name. Gabbeta Tirmal Reddy and his brother Madhav Reddy were also organizers of Communists and fought against the feudalists and their atrocities. Arutla Ramchandra Reddy and his wife Arutla Kamala Devi, and Arutla Laxminarsimha Reddy organized the Communist Dalams in Alair and Bhongir area. All these leaders had to go under ground and organized armed dalams and fought against the police and Razakars.

To counter the uprising of the people in Jangaon area, a special Deputy Collector was posted at Jangaon. He was given extra-ordinary powers and the armed special police battalions to crush the peoples upsurge and to maintain peace, law and order in this area. In Jangaon, just behind our house there was a private Muslim doctor, by name Azeejullah. He was well versed in Telugu language. He used to tell Harikathas in Telugu. Azeejullah was made leader of Razakars in Jangaon. The deputy collector used to go to one or two villages every day along with special police and Razakars with the pretext of maintaining peace in the area. Doctor Azeezullah, the leader of the Razakars used to give lectures in Telugu supporting to the government and to eliminate the Communists who were regarded as unsocial elements.

Whenever the villagers heard the sounds of approaching trucks and lorries the men and youth used to run away from their houses without even caring for their children and women. They used to run away in to the fields and forests to save their lives. The villagers who ever remained in villages were gathered at central place and enquired as to who gave food and shelter to the Communists, and then police took such people under their custody. Meanwhile the Razakars attacked the houses and took away all the costly and useful articles, most of the villagers were beaten and killed and the women were humiliated, insulted even some were raped. There was arson, loot, murder and rape wherever the Razakars went. The police use to take some of the youth to taluk headquarters i.e. Jangaon and they were beat and tortured for some days and lastly they were taken out side Jangaon town and shot dead at a small hillock called "Pottigutta”. The dead bodies were left in the open place to rot and were eaten away by beasts and vultures. There was evil smell of the dead bodies around the Jangaon town. The regular police and Razakars under the direction of government officers and the deputy collector committed all these atrocities.

On the other side whenever the Communists entered the villages they also used to enquiry as to who gave information to the police. They used to beat them and took them out side the village and sometimes even killed them. The people in the villages were living in the state of terror and fear feeling threat from both sides i.e. the police and Razakars on one side and Communists on the other side. Their plight was very miserable.

In every state there was a representative of Indian government called resident. Sri K.M.Munshi was the resident on Hyderabad state. He stayed at Thirumalagiri near Bollaram. There was some Indian army with him. Indian government received the reports from Sri K.M.Munshi that there was complete break down of law and order in the state and people are agitating against the Nizam government. But the state government sent contradicting reports stating that there were no disturbances at all in the state. There was perfect peace and no reasons for the Indian government to doubt the Hyderabad state authority in maintaining the law and order .

Villagers in the state particularly in Jangaon taluk was very much vexed with the atrocities of the police and Razakars. There is a village named Bahiranpalli in Jangaon taluk. This village had a "Buruj" built of mud and stones and it was in the centre of the village. By standing on the "Buruz" one can see all around the village. So they employed some youth and kept them on this buruz to guard day and night with guns. They kept watch on borders of the village. They used to fire from the top of "Buruz" and prevented the police and Razakars and even Communists. Thus they protected themselves and saved lives of their children and families.

The deputy collector of Jangaon one day went to this village along with his armed special police and Razakars as a routine of his mission to maintain peace among the villagers, when the guards on the "buruz" of village saw the vehicles of the police and Razakars, they started firing. The police also fired at the "buruz" but could not break it. Further the police and the Razakars could not go even a step forward and counter the incessant firing from the guards of the village. The deputy collector felt humiliated and went back to Jangaon. He sent a wireless message to Nalgonda, the district head quarters. In his message he stated that a few villages at Bahiranpally area are acting as the centers of Communist activity. They have built a strong "Morchas" and also strong-armed men to fight against the government forces. He also requested to send some additional forces with strong machine guns and cannons.

The next day additional special reserved police with military trucks, guns and cannons arrived at Jangaon on 27th August 1948. The deputy collector went to village of Bhairanpally along with his special police battalion and Razakars. At first the police surrounded the entire village so that no one can run out of the village. Then they fired the cannons aimed at the buruj. At once the upper part of the buruz collapsed and the guards on it had to run away from there. Then the police and Razakars entered the village and killed all the youth and men leaving only the children, old men and women. The entire village was full of blood and dead bodies. It was a mass killing. It reminded of the massacre of Jallianwalla Bagh in Punjab on 13th April 1919, where more than 1000 men were killed and several thousands got wounded. It was the most uncivilized atrocity. The Govt. of India got the reports of this massacre committed by the regular police. Sardhar Vallabhai Patel sent a warning to the government of Hyderabad state. He stated that the state government failed to maintain the law and order in the state and its people were put to many unseen and unknown troubles and many people were killed. So the government of India was forced to send its own army to the state of Hyderabad to maintain the law land order to save the lives and properties of the common people. If the state government tried to prevent the army from entering in to the state the army will take action and use force. The state government of Hyderabad protested and countered that the Government of India was having a false report. There are no disturbances in the state. There is complete peace and law and order is fully maintained.

But at zero hours on 13th September 1948, the Indian army started moving in to the state on all sides. On the same day two fighter planes came to Mamnoor police camp and bombed the Aerodrome so that no plane from out side can come and land there. When the army from eastern side came to Khammam, the Razakars went in side the fort and closed the doors and fired on the Indian troops from inside the fort. Two bombers fighters came and bombed the fort from above. Thus the Indian troops advanced from all sides and major general J.N.Chowdhary who advanced from Maharashtra side could reach the Hyderabad on 17th September 1948 and made the Nizam of Hyderabad to declare that he is joining the Indian union. Thus the Indian government took over the control of the administration of the state on 17th September 1948. That is the day Telangana has been liberated.

Major General J.N.Chowdary was made the military administrator of the state. The state of Hyderabad was under the military rule for one year. Even after the military took over the administration of the state, the Communist who went under ground did not stop their movement to fight against the imperialism of the Deshmukhs. Nalgonda and Warangal districts were declared disturbed areas and General Nanjappa was appointed special officer for these two districts. He was given extraordinary powers to crush the Communist movement. Many Communist leaders were taken as prisoners and presented before the court for legal proceedings. Nalla Narasimhulu the Communist leader who terrified the Deshmukhs and Nizam was arrested and presented before the court. After the trial for few years in different courts the Supreme Court acquitted him finally. He continued as the leader of the Communist party and lived in Jangaon till his death. Gabbeta Tirumal Reddy who was also arrested but was killed by the army in a fake encounter. Arutla Ramachandra Reddy and his wife Arutla Kamaladevi and Arutla Laxminarsimha Reddy were arrested and after the trials in the court they were acquitted. Charabuddi Jagga Reddy father of Sri Charabuddi Dayakar Reddy, the present Chairman of the C.D.R.Hospital Hyderabad was also an under ground Communist leader. He was also arrested and after the trial in the court he was acquitted. Ravi Narayana Reddy, Baddam Yella Reddy and Govind Rao Sharab were the leading Communist leaders. They contested the general elections and won the elections. Arutla Ramachandra Reddy and his wife also contested and represented the Communist party in the assembly. Sri Ravi Narayana Reddy contested parliament elections and won the Nalgonda parliament seat with highest number of votes in whole of India. Thus the under ground movement of Communist came to an end. Magdoom Mohiuddin a Communist and a well known journalist won MLA seat from Jangaon. The Communists left the armed struggle and started participating in the mainstream political process and contested the assembly and parliament elections. The underground movement of armed struggle came to an end once forever.

Jai Telangana Jai Jai Telangana
Maroju Srihari (Retd. D.E.O),
Jangaon, Warangal Dt.

One Man Commission (SPF)



SUMMARY Of Final Report of One Man Commission (SPF), Sr. J.M. Girglani, IAS ( Retd.)

(Courtesy : http://www.telangana.org/Papers/article16.asp)

PART – 1

SECTION – A

Chapter – 1
This Chapter clears the confusion between Six Point Formula, Presidential Order on Public Employment and G.O.Ms.No.610 G.A (SPF.A) Dept., dated 30-12-1985. Often these are being used interchangeably without knowing the difference and distinction between them. The Presidential order is based on point 3 of the Six Point Formula. The extract title of the Presidential Order is " The Andhra Pradesh Public Employment ( Organisation of Local Cadres and Regulation of Direct Recruitment) Order, 1975 ( Presidential Order) dated 18th October, 1975. This Chapter also gives the scope of the Report, Viz. the deviations from the Presidential Order, grievances, remedial measures and safeguards. Time frame of the Report is 18th October 1975 to the present day, covering the entire State. The main causes of deviations are the dynamics of the administrative system sometimes bypassing the Presidential Order, oblivion and ignorance of the Presidential Order and lack of any monitoring or guiding machinery or a nodal agency. The deviations are arranged in terms of 18 "Deviation Genres" delineated into 126 findings and 35 sets of remedial measures. The Report in the First Volume contains Part –1, main Final Report and Part-2, further and Final Report on Implementation of the aforesaid G.O.Ms.No. 610, in continuation of the Preliminary Report that had been submitted to the Government within the stipulated period of 90 days, on 6th October, 2001. Volume_II contains the Appendices, Annexures and the proceedings issued by the Commission.

Chapter – 2
This Chapter gives various findings on the deviations with regard to Heads of Departments and other excluded organizations of para-14 of the Presidential Order and G.S.R 529 (E). Most of the deviations in the Findings pertain to expansion of the scope of Heads of Departments and excluded organization to bring into their fold more and more posts to place them outside the Local Cadres. Thus, the 51 Heads of Departments listed in the Annexure to G.O.P.No. 728 of 1- 11-1975, 54 in the Budget Manual, 66 in Financial Code and 78 in Fundamental Rules – got multiplied into 288 ( Planning Department's List), 174 (Finance Department's List), 145 (GAD's List). Even the Heads of Projects are treated as HODs. In a few cases, even the staff of the Regional Offices was treated as Head of Department office staff and placed outside the Local Cadres and the Presidential Order. Same was done in the case of some Institutes. The Report has listed out 102 HOD offices who alone are legitimately entitled to exclusion from localization of cadres under item (b) of Para 14 of the Presidential Order. Major Development Projects were originally kept out of the Presidential Order. On 3rd October 1985 Presidential Order was extended to them only to the extent of non-gazetted categories of staff leaving out AEEs and DEEs. Even posts not used for project works and posts in the projects where work was completed, continue to be labelled as Project Posts for keeping them out of the Local Cadres and out of the Presidential Order. All workcharged establishments of the Projects not engaged in Project Work is kept out of the local cadres. Posts under the new Projects (as for HMWS&SB) not even notified under G.S.R. 525 (E) are treated as Project posts and AEEs and DEEs are kept outside local cadres. Similarly, the fair share principle for deputations to posts in the excluded organizations laid down in G.O.P.No.728 G.A. (SPF.A) Dept., dated 1.11.1975 has been flouted. Deputation process has been very often misused.

Chapter – 3
This Chapter gives some Regional Offices that were shifted from Zones-V & VI to some other zones taking away all the posts from Zones-V & VI in the process of re-organisation of the Department. In one Department the Regional Offices were abolished and the posts taken to the Head Office putting them out of the purview of the Presidential Order and Local Cadres. In I & CAD Department some circles crisscross the Zones violating the Zonal cadre limits for posting and transfers. In Drugs Control Department their Regional offices violate Zonal bounds for postings, transfers, seniorities. Some Departments effect inter-zonal transfers in violation of para 5 (2) limitations where a Region has more than one Zone within it.

Chapter – 4
This Chapter deals with Urban Development Authorities. The Presidential Order has made specific provisions regarding HUDA. But other Urban Development Authorities continue to remain outside the Presidential Order and outside Local Cadres. They have to be brought under Presidential Order like HUDA. QQSUDA may be brought under G.S.R. 528 (E) for direct recruitment posts. Deputation posts may be taken from the City Cadre.

Chapter – 5
This Chapter deals with Units of Appointment and Local Cadres. In some Departments there prevails some confusion regarding Units of Appointment and Local Cadres. These two should not criss- cross. There are examples of such criss-cross. Direct recruitment, seniorities etc. can be done among the units of appointment but without crossing the Local Cadre bounds. In some Departments this has not happened. Some of them have even thought that Units of Appointment are Local Cadres.

Chapter – 6
This chapter deals with cross-cadre movement through transfers, deputations and posting employees "On other Duty". Transfers have been the cause of complaint particularly from Zone-IV. Government has recently banned transfers. But, this will have some social side-effects in matters of matrimony etc. The Andhra Pradesh High Court in a Judgement on Police Officers has laid down some sound principles to be observed for transfers. Essentially the High Court advises strict circumspection. This Commission has suggested some formula to offset the loss of opportunities to the Local candidates through the influx of people coming on transfer and also to contain such influx in Zone-VI and similar areas of influx. Deputations have proved to be a rather disconcerting source of deviations from the Presidential Order. The fair share principle of para 9 (B) of the aforesaid G.O.P. 728 dated 01.11.1975 has been almost completely ignored. There are indications of deputations being used as the substitute for transfers and also some undesirable motivations. In the case of Projects, deputations are resorted to even where the posts have ceased to be utilized for Project work and have become departmental posts and also where even the Projects have been completed though not notified as such. In some cases, all the rules about deputations laid down in the Fundamental Rules and the General Service Rules have been indiscriminately flouted to churn out promotions. From one post multiple promotions have been churn out promotions. From one post multiple promotions have been churned out by sending persons on deputations, filling the same post by promotion and keeping up the chain of promotions and deputations. Deputations from excluded organization to other excluded organizations have curtailed the opportunities of the local candidates which the fair share principle would have provided them. Deputations as a source of deviations need stringent vigilance. Damage done has to be set-right. "On other Duty" has also been misused as a devise for inter-cadre movement. Even irregular promotions have been given to people on other duty outside their own local cadres. Instances were found in Irrigation Department.

Chapter – 7
This Chapter is devoted completely to a discussion on workcharged establishment. Right from the beginning before and after the promulgation of the Presidential Order to date, workcharged employees have been kept out of the purview of the Presidential Order for no reason at all. They are "civil posts" in all connotations of this term and the Presidential Order should have been applied to them, but this has not been done. Till 03.10.1985 Major Development Projects were kept out of the purview of the Presidential Order. But once the Presidential order was extended to these Projects there was no justification for keeping workcharged establishments outside the Presidential Order in the Projects. In the regular departments right from beginning there was no justification for such exclusion. Today, their number is 40,870. Of these 17,161 are in Irrigation, 5849 in Roads & Buildings Department, 6860 in Panchayat Raj Engineering Department and the rest in other departments. Surplus staff including a part of the workcharged establishment totalling to 21,866 has also been kept outside the Presidential Order while absorbing them in regular posts. Such exclusion is even more unjustifiable. These have to be brought under the Local Cadres.

Chapter – 8
This Chapter deals with gazetting of posts and specified gazetted category. After the Presidential Order many non-gazetted posts have been gazetted thus taking them away from the purview of Presidential Order and zonal cadre and also depriving local candidates of 70% reservation. It is suggested that the Government of India's orders may be obtained that all such posts shall retain their character as zonal posts and 70% reservation for locals. This Chapter also suggests an important principle of immutability of the original local character of a post as it stood on 18.10.1975. In G.O.Ms.No.610 G.A. (SPF.A) Dept., dated 30.12.1985 (regarding Zones V & VI) and also G.O.Ms.No.564 G.A. (SPF.A) Dept., dated 05.12.1985 (regarding Zone IV) both carry an assurance for considering the inclusion of first gazetted posts in the specified gazetted category that will make them zonal posts. In fact, the third point in Six Point Formula also stipulates first or second gazetted category (as may be decided for each department), to be included in the specified gazetted category. Therefore it is obligatory to act on this stipulation. Presently, many departments first or second gazetted level stands excluded from the specified gazetted category. On the two issues in this Chapter, it is advisable to take immediate action. Immediate action is also called for to stop any further gazetting of non-gazetted posts.

Chapter – 9
This Chapter deals with compassionate appointments. None of the 35 G.Os on the subject stated that in making such appointments Presidential Order should be followed or that only local candidates should be appointed to concerned local Cadres. On the other hand, some of the G.Os carry instructions to the contrary which are in clear contravention of the Presidential Order. The wrong action taken so far in this regard should be reversed and for the future proper instructions may be issued.

Chapter – 10
This Chapter clarifies that City of Hyderabad which is provided for as a separate " City cadre" in respect of certain posts specified in G.S.R. 528 (E), is specifically defined in terms of Panchayats in the First Schedule to the Presidential Order. This is slightly different from the Hyderabad District to which Hyderabad District Cadre Posts belong. The Hyderabad District comes under Zone VI. City of Hyderabad is by itself the local area for District Cadre posts as well as zonal posts. A third entity, which should be distinguished from these two entities, is the Municipal Corporation of Hyderabad. Some wrong postings and promotions have been given due to this mix up. Since, many of the Panchayats in the Schedule of City of Hyderabad have become Municipalities, it is necessary to revise the Schedule delineating the Panchayats in terms of corresponding Revenue villages. Undue benefits or deprivations arising out of the mix up may be reviewed and revised.

Chapter – 11
This Chapter deals with the role of Employment Exchanges and shows that they were not expected to verify or record the local status of the candidates registering with them. Some departments doing direct recruitment or temporary appointments have relied on Employment Exchanges without themselves verifying the local status of the candidates. This has led to the charge of "bogus registrations" in Employment Exchanges. The issue of bogus certificates is also dealt with in this Chapter and it is suggested that institutional level verification of certificates of selected candidates should be done. Similarly, certificates issued by MROs should also be subjected to field verification.

Chapter –12
This Chapter deals with recruitments and allotments that need on-going scrutiny. These pertain to : (1) departments and posts kept outside the purview of the Andhra Pradesh Public Service Commission and / or District Selection Committees; (2) departments with multiple wings but with integrated cadre (3) "umbrella" departments with integrated cadre (4) where a new dispensation is introduced as in case of Panchayat Secretaries. Deviations from the Presidential Order have been noticed in all such organizations, particularly in Sericulture Department. In this regard the most glaring case is that of Panchayat Raj Engineering Department who recruited directly AEEs from among Work Inspectors of their workcharged establishment from the year 1991 to 95 without applying the principle of local candidate for local cadres. These appointments have to be now set right in the manner proposed by the Commission. In Irrigation Department irregularities have come to light. There is case of 102 engineers represented by Hyderabad Engineers Association. It turned out to be pending appeal against initial allotment which was a justified appeal. But action has not been taken on this case. The SP, Karimnagar District had considered 20% to be a reservation for non-locals. The recent appointment of Panchayat Secretaries has been done under G.O.Ms.No. 369 PR&RD (Mandals.II) Dept., dated 12.12.2001. The G.O. has not stated that these appointments should follow the rule of local candidates for local cadres. It has completely overlooked the Presidential Order. The appointments are all in-service appointments. These need to be reviewed and rearranged in terms of localization of cadres.

Chapter –13
This Chapter pertains to some miscellaneous deviations. The backlog of the vacancies reserved for locals in R.R. District were not reserved 100% for locals but were again subjected to 80 : 20 ratio of locals : merit candidates which was incorrect. This should be set right and shortfall made good. It was complained that ITDAs thousands of teachers recruited were non-locals. But the District Collector reported that the services of non-locals and non-tribals had been terminated. Government may check up all these facts. In Government hospitals ANMs allotted by Andhra Pradesh Public Service Commission were non-locals for want of local candidates. The Director of Health informed that more training facilities have been created for nurses in the State. College Service Commission erroneously treated Junior Lecturers as zonal posts and also applied 60% reservation, even after they had been gazetted. The `benevolent' error was continued by APPSC. It may be regularized through the general order suggested regarding all newly gazetted posts in Chapter – 8. There has been contravention of the Presidential Order in the year 1985 by recruitment of non-locals to three model residential polytechnics in the Scheduled areas. The Commissioner of Sericulture has also committed such contraventions. All these contraventions have to be reversed and set right.

Chapter –14
This Chapter deals with mechanism to ensure implementation and monitoring of Presidential Order. It is suggested that first and foremost, two fundamental safeguards should be declared unequivocally. First, and the most important is principle of immutability local character of a post as it stood on 18.10.1975. Second, the scope of the Presidential Order as originally promulgated should not be changed. The framework of safeguards is elaborately described in this Chapter. The immediate and impact measures suggested are : (1) to halt recruitment and promotions to the posts up to specified gazetted categories level in the present offices of the HODs until the rectification suggested in Chapter – 2 is carried out and also to halt further gazetting of posts, further compassionate appointments and further absorption/redeployment of surplus staff and further deputations – till remedial measures suggested for these matters are carried out. (2) taking immediate prospective action under the 35 sets of "Remedial Action" in the Report. (3) taking immediate action for the deletion of item (e) of Para 14 of the Presidential Order , and G.S.R. 525 (E), so as to bring the Projects totally under the Presidential Order. (4) to set right the maladies indicated in various findings before resuming the normal process of recruitments, promotions etc. (5) taking immediate redressal action on the individual petitions as per proceedings in Vol. II of this report. (6) appointment of appropriate Implementation and Monitoring Body to initiate action on the Report. (7) providing for certain entries in Service Registers to guard against future deviations. (8) providing for certain particulars to be stipulated in all appointment orders. Long term measures (1) a House Committee (2) A Cabinet Sub Committee and (3) an autonomous Implementation and Monitoring Authority (IMA) and making G.A (SPF) Department the nodal and guiding agency. (4) A Complete training programme for all levels (5) Opening of a website (6) making copies of the Final Report available to all Secretariat Departments, HODs and Collectors as a guidelines book.

Chapter –15
This Chapter is the conspectus. The Commission has mooted the idea of persuading some of the big Corporations to adopt the principles of the Presidential Order through their own Board resolutions as was done by APDDCF Ltd. The main point in this is with regard to retrospective action on the findings. The consensus route as followed in Karnataka could be thought about to avoid unending and long winding litigations. No one can say who lost how much and who gained how much till the departments work out these factors in respect of each finding.

Section – B

Report on implementation of G.O.Ms.No.610 G.A. (SPF.A) Dept., dated 30.12.1985.
Para 5 (1)
This Part is in continuation of the Preliminary Report on the subject. Statistically even the figures of locals and non-locals collected by the department of planning show percentage of non-locals in zones V and VI ranging between 3.42% and 11.63%. Hyderabad District shows just below 20%. The question is not the number of non- locals or the percentage but how many of the non-locals are there in violation of the Presidential Order. For this, one has to go to the Main Final Report which has brought out all the deviations and leakages from the Presidential Order. The gigantic task of working out the actual number of the locals deprived through deviations under each of the 126 findings under the 18 deviation genres, in each particular local area (district or zone, as the case may be) and those who benefited in each particular district or zone, has necessarily to be carried out by the concerned departments.
Para 5 (2)
The commitment of the Government under this para to bring three Projects under the Presidential Order remains partially unfulfilled as AEEs (and concomitantly DEEs) and the workcharged employees have not been brought under the Presidential Order. Even the posts of these categories not being utilized in the Projects due to completion of works still continue to be outside the purview of the Presidential Order. The immediate action proposed is to get deleted item (e) of the Para 14 of the Presidential Order along with G.S.R. 525 (E), so that the Projects will be fully under the Presidential Order. The retrospective effect to 1983 was not given. It appears to be of no consequence even if it is given.
Para 5 (3) (a) & (b)
The appeal of 102 AEEs and DEEs brought before the Commission by Hyderabad Engineers Association is pending and the department has also found it to be tenable. Immediate orders seem to be called for.
Para 5 (4)
The demand for bringing all the first gazetted posts under the Presidential Order under specified gazetted categories (Third Schedule) is justified, as it is a commitment under Point-3 of the Six Point Formula. The gazetting of posts after 18.10.1975 should be stopped and those gazetted should be restored their original local zonal status and 70% reservation for local candidates by obtaining Government of India's orders to this effect. Immutability of the local status of a post as of 18-10-1975 has to be strictly observed.
Para 5 (5)
The Government's commitment in this para is only a reiteration of para 9 (B) of G.O.P. 728 dated 01.11.1975. The Commission has observed that this has been by and large observed in the breach. Para 5 (6)
Government has issued orders from time to time to regulate the inter-cadre transfers but they still tend to be quite large in number. The Government has now banned such transfers. The A.P. High Court has laid down very sound principles to be observed for transfers. In the main Final Report (Part – 1) in Chapter – 6 this Commission has given some practical suggestion that could mitigate the grievance on account of transfers.
Para 5 (7)
The most concrete and glaring case is that of 694 AEEs taken by Panchayat Raj Engineering Department without following the local candidate and local cadre rules. This should be set right as proposed by the Commission in Chapter – 12 of the main Final Report (Part– 1). Also the cases of Sericulture Department may be set-right.
Para 5 (8)
No cases have come to light under this para.
Para 5 (9)
It is not possible under the Presidential Order to take non- local of the same zone or multi zone in a particular local cadre. The principle of immutability of the Presidential Order will ensure proper implementation of the Presidential Order.
Para 5 (10)
There are very few persons now who were employed from other zones for want of trained personnel. These are mainly nurses. Training facilities for nurses have been augmented.
Para 5 (11)
There are no cases under this para.
Para 5 (12) (a)
This sub-para is already complied with.
Para5 (12) (b)
The Supreme Court judgement was received. This para stands complied with.
Para 5 (13)
The facts in this para were not correct and this was communicated to TNGOs Association for their comments but they too have not refuted the official version. This para needs no further action.
Para 5 (14)
In its Preliminary Report the Commission had recommended action to be taken on this para. The latest report of the Department of the Public Health Engineering given to the House Committee (of which this Commission has obtained a copy) seems to be rather misleading on the very face of it. It appears that no action has been taken as yet on the Commission's finding in this regard, in the Preliminary Report. Conclusion It may be stated that implementation of G.O.Ms.No.610 with regard to para 5 (1) would mean remedial action on the various findings in the main Final Report (part –1). To the extent that zones V and VI are affected such action would mean implementation of this para. Implementation of sub-paras 7 to 13 of Para 5 is either completed or does not arise. Sub-Paras 2 to 6 of Para 5 are not confined to zones V and VI alone. But are a part of the deviations contained in the Main Final Report, in which all the zones and all the districts are involved. Implementation of these sub-paras would be a part of the implementation of the main Final Report. Who are the losers and who are the beneficiaries ? Until each findings is taken up for remedial action no one can say which are the local areas (districts/zones) whose local candidates have been the losers/gainers. One thing is certain that Zones V and VI are not the gainers, but the losers. The deviations in Chapter-1 of the main Final Report and also in Chapter – 6 have adversely affected Zone VI.

* * * * *

PART – 2

Chapter –16
Heads of Departments (HODS)
Finding No. 23-A : A sampling of 17 Head of Department Offices shows that LDC level and upwards, District Cadre and Zonal Cadre posts approximately 50% only are held by locals. By extrapolation, Heads of Departments which do not qualify for HOD status under Presidential Order have deprived locals of their reservation at 80% / 70%.
Regional Offices :
Finding No.40-A : The provision under Para 5 (2) (b) of the Presidential Order, incorporated in AP Ministerial Service Rules as Rule 16 – A, has been mutilated out of context and mis-applied for inter-zonal transfers within a Region. It does not permit inter-cadre transfers either between districts or between Zones even within a Region. The Rule is only to facilitate transfers between the Regional Office and the subordinate offices and vice versa.
Unit of Appointment / Local Cadre
Finding No.47-A : Promotions were given to the Village Development Officers, Grade-II to the posts of Village Development Officers, Grade-I (both zonal posts) with district as a unit, not the Zone as contemplated under the Presidential Order.
Cross Cadre Movement
Finding No.48-A/ 48-B/ 48-C : Initial appointment and later regularization of Part-time Lecturers was made without observing the Presidential Order with regard to local area or reservation of local candidates.
Finding No.51-A : Inter zonal transfers of Town Planning Officers by the Director of Town and Country Planning without the permission of the Government in violation of Para 5(2) of the Presidential Order have been brought to the notice of Government.
Finding No. 51-B : In the department of Treasuries and Accounts persons were transferred from Zones to the Head of Department office when the rules have no provision for such transfers as per Para 5(2) (a) of the Presidential Order in violation of the Presidential Order.
Deputations and Fair Share Principle
Finding No.68-A/68-B : In violation of Presidential Order, posts are transferred from local cadres to HOD officers and utilized there (1) In the Information and Public Relations Department (2) In Co- operative Department where posts of Cooperative Sub-Registrars are being utilized in HOD office.
On Other Duty (OD)
Finding No. 73-A : Five posts of Lecturers in the Collegiate Cell of the SCERT (a State Level Office as per GSR 527), were treated as "Floating posts" in G.O.Ms.No. 572, Education, dated 24.05.1976 in deviation of the Presidential Order., Finding No. 73-B : Division IV of Special Design Circle of Irrigation & CAD Department, located in the City was misused for bringing people from other Zones to the City "on other duty" and kept there in violation of the Presidential Order.
Work Charged Establishment
Finding No.86-A : Work-charged employees have not only been appointed in disregard of the Presidential Order but also continued to be treated as out-side the Presidential Order. They are being transferred from anywhere to anywhere, regardless of their local status.
Gazetting of Posts and Specified Gazetted Category
Finding No.97-A : The post of Horticulture Officer, originally Assistant Agriculture Officer, became Horticulature Officer on bifurcation of Agriculture Department. Hence Horticulture Officer post should also be brought under the 60% reservation along with the posts specified in Para 8 (3) of the Presidential Order, retrospectively. Finding No.97-B : Some posts that were non-gazetted on 18-10-75 and were gazetted thereafter, continue to be treated as Zonal posts and also with reservation of 70% in direct recruitment. However, to legalize their immutable status amendments are to be made to Para 2 and Para 8 of the Presidential Order, duly obtaining orders of Government of India.
Compassionate Appointments
Finding No.102-A : Compassionate Appointment on medical invalidation, are also a direct recruitment. The Presidential Order should apply to them as to all direct recruitments.
Miscellaneous Deviations
Finding No.126-A : Misinterpretation of the _expression "local cadre" had occurred in School Education. This connotation has been set right by the Government on a reference from this Commission.
Post of Associate Lecturer in Polytechnics
Finding No.126-B/ 126-C : The post of Associate Lecturer created to replace two non-gazetted categories, should continue to enjoy the Zonal status as well as 70% reservation for locals regardless of being gazetted and regardless of later re-designation as Lecturer, as per the principle of immutability of a post under Presidential Order. The original post of `Lecturer' having been redesignated as "Senior Lecturer" in 1998 should be included in Third Schedule by the new designation retrospectively since that date. Government of India's orders are to be obtained in this regard. Finding No.126-D : Where a new Organization come under the purview of the Presidential Order for the first time, local cadres should be formed following the procedure laid down under Para 3 and Para 4(2) of the Presidential Order. Finding No.126-E/ 126-F : Many Departments have no Service Rules still—viz., Civil Supplies Department, Treasuries and Accounts Department, State Audit Department and some other Departments. Service Rules have not yet been revised on the basis of the recommendations of the One Man Commission of Sri Sundaresan, IAS (Retd.), which should be expedited through a special drive.


J.M. GIRGLANI, IAS (Retd.)
ONE MAN COMMISSION (S.P.F)
Hyderabad
Dated : 21st Sept. 2004

State Policy and Irrigational Disparities: A Study of Telangana's Backwardness


S.Simhadri (Reader, Department of Geography, Osmania University)


Telangana, the semi-arid land of India, is experiencing drought often pushing large numbers of people to the margins of living. Drought visits south Telangana "once in two and half years" (DDFA, p.47). The rainfall of about 70 cm and less in southern Telangana hardly justifies the fact that the region should languish under semi-arid conditions. In fact, the region forms part of the catchment of the perennial rivers Krishna and Godavari. The irrigation policy initiative over the years continuously favored the Delta region leaving a large number of people at the mercy of degraded nature and sub-human living. Thus "Telangana backwardness has essentially political roots: with better administration the considerable water resources could have been more fully tapped for irrigation. Telangana is still mainly a dry farming area, like Rayalaseema, but the reason for this in Telangana is long term failure to harness the potentialities of the area "(Forrester, DB, 1970, P.8).

Irrigation Policy

The irrigation works of British engineers in the construction of Yamuna canals and Ganga canal of northern India proved financially beneficial during the nineteenth century under colonial irrigation policy. Military engineer, Arthur Cotton's, works on the Cauvery Delta system, the Godvari Delta system and the Kristna Delta system fetched good financial returns. Under the 'guarantee system' colonial government was pressurised to hand over irrigation works to private enterprise with a guaranteed return of five per cent on the capital outlay. The works taken up by Madras Irrigation Company on the River Tungabhadra-KC Canal, incurred heavy losses and it had to hand over the incomplete works to the government in 1882. In the year 1879 the Parliament decided to apply the criterion called the "Productivity Test" for major projects to assure the financial returns (CBIP 1965). However, the First Famine Commission of 1880 underlined "the need for direct state initiative in the development of irrigation particularly in the vulnerable areas. It also recommended that irrigation be given priority over other competing fields, such as the railways. The two great famines of 1897-98 and 1899-1900 however, left the government with no alternative but to initiate protective measures against drought and famine over large areas" (Jain 1972: p.62). Further the first Irrigation Commission of India of 1901 in its report submitted in 1903, favored protective irrigation projects in precarious regions in preference to the productivity test. Through the Government of India Act of 1935, irrigation was brought under the local provincial governments, excepting treating irrigation as federal in Inter-State disputes (CBIP, 1965).



The post-independent development of irrigation has relaxed the productivity test of irrigation projects. Several projects had been taken up by the planning authorities to protect people from fragile environs (CBIP, 1965). The inter-state allocation of water of river Krishna was taken up by the Planning Commission in the early period of planning. "The need from an All India point of view for increasing available food supplies within the shortest possible time and on the most economic basis" (KWDT, 1969 p.9) was considered a part of the policy framework by the Planning Commission, besides expressing the importance of the development of backward regions. In view of the disagreement expressed by the riparian states of the river Krishna the Government of India appointed the Krishna Godavari Commission in 1961 to report on the matters concerning the availability of water in Krishna, requirements of the projects on the Krishna and feasibility of diverting surplus water from river Godavari to Krishna. "The Krishna Godavari Commission could not find answers to any of the terms of reference" (KWDT, 1969 p 13 5). This was followed by the publication of a report of Krishna water disputes Tribunal headed by Justice Bachawat in 1976. While addressing the inter-state allocation of Krishna water, the Tribunal also made intra-state allocations of the river water in view of treating the state as single territorial unit. In the light of the regional diversification and uneven regional development in the state of Andhra Pradesh, the intrastate river water allocation/development has become a bone of contention.

The brief analysis of the irrigation development in Andhra Pradesh illustrates the regional politics in the making of the irrigation system. While debating the merger of a backward region with developed region irrigation figured as an important problem. During the merger of backward Rayalaseema with developed Coastal Andhra, Rayalaseema insisted through the Sribagh Pact in

1937 that "to ensure the rapid development of the agricultural and economic interests of Rayalaseema and Nellore to the level of those in the coastal districts, schemes of irrigation should, for a period of ten years or such longer period as conditions may necessitate, be given a preferential claim specially in respect of the utilization of the waters of Tungabhadra, Krishna and Pennar, giving for ten years exclusive attention in respect of major projects beneficial to these areas" (Rao, 1972 p.57). Similarly, during the proposed merger of Andhra Region (AR) with Hyderabad State the issue of river waters figured again. Leaders from Telangana expressed fears more about impending social, political, economic and institutional domination over backward region by developed people of the Delta and Rayalaseema. The Telangana Reddy leadership feared that they may be politically ruined by the Rayalaseema Reddys and the Circar Brahmins who were political pundits as there was no stopping for these forces. "Further some of the people from Telangana felt that in the then Andhra State, parochialism and casteism were rampant right from the Minister to the ordinary political worker" (Rao, 1972 p 74-75). The proponents of Visalandhra presented their expansionist regional ideology before the State Reorganization Committee (SRC) that "the formation of Visalandhra will be that the development of the Krishna and Godavari rivers will thereby be brought under unified control ... complete unification of either the Krishna or the Godavari Valley is not, of course, possible. But if one independent political jurisdiction, namely that of Telangana, can be eliminated, the formulation and implementation of plans in the eastern areas in these two great river basins will be greatly expedited" (SRC Report, 372). This position of Andhra ideologues amply proves the bias over water resources belonging to Telangana.

Regional Pattern of Irrigation Land Use

An examination of the land use of Andhra Pradesh under different sources of irrigation speaks of the changing pattern of land use. In the category of Geographical area irrigated (GAI) in the state at the time of the formation of the state was 79.07 lakh acres (1955-56). This has grown over the period of four decades to the size of 1.28 crore acres (1994-95) in the state.

GAI is inclusive of area irrigated by canals, tanks, tube wells, other wells and other sources. In the category of canals the state increased its area from 31.28 lakh acres (1955-56) to 39.67 lakh acres (1994-95). The regional break up under this category shows that GAI in Telangana region increased from 8.85 per cent to 14.44 per cent over the four decades. Tank irrigation of the state shows the declining trend from the area of 26.38 lakhs in 1955-56 to 17.09 lakh acres in 1994-95.

The share of tank irrigation decreased from 41.88 per cent in 1955-56 to 31.64 per cent in 1994-95 (DES). Tank irrigation in Telangana is a vital input in the drought ecosystem and is being threatened by the irrigation policy. On the other hand, during four decades, the percentage share of tank irrigation in Andhra region increased from 58.11 per cent to 68.35 per cent.

The development of major irrigation in the river basins of Krishna and Godavari by the successive Governments of Andhra Pradesh worked in favor of Coastal Andhra. The share of river waters through major irrigation in the Krishna basin of each Telangana, Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema is 27 per cent, 56 per cent and 17 per cent, respectively, whereas the catchment share is Telangana 69 per cent Coastal Andhra 13 per cent and Rayalaseema 17 per cent. The share of catchment of the river Godavari of Telangana and Coastal Andhra is 79 per cent and 21 per cent. However, the development of irrigation potential in the Godavari basin is only about one-third of its allocation of 1495 tmc. ft. of which developed irrigation potential is about 270 tmc ft. in Coastal Andhra and only 185 tmc ft. in Telangana (Simhadri 1996). Due to political and bureaucratic neglect of Telangana in irrigation a large quantity of the precious water drains into the Indian ocean.


Major Irrigation: An Analysis

An analysis of the development of major irrigation of Telangana exposes the ruling and bureaucratic forces constituted predominantly by people of Andhra region. They operate at many levels--region, caste, class and in appropriating the water resources of the river basins of Krishna and Godavari. The regional bias is visible in all aspects of the projects. The political and bureaucratic roots of policymakers and implementers have a bearing on the concept of the project, budgetary allocation, expenditure, time frame and so on.

Historically, such an element of bias in major irrigation favored the Andhra region by denying the genuine needs of the Telangana region. This is amply substantiated by the fact that the ayacut contemplated under the Godavari anicut initially was 4.38 lakh acres which, has now gone up to 10.69 lakh acres. The ayacut contemplated under the Krishna Anicut has similarly gone up from 5.87 lakh acres to 12.65 lakh acres. So was the case with the ayacut under both the Pennar anicut at Nellore and Sangham which grew from 1.75 lakh acres to 2.5 lakhs (The Hindu).

The irrigation projects of Telangana invariably have differential performance, often with reduced storage capacities and shrinking commands. An analysis of the Sriramsagar project (SRSP) shows that the project was proposed as an Integrated Godavari Valley project by the erstwhile Hyderabad state to develop irrigation potential with 400 tmc ft. to irrigate 40 lakh acres in seven districts of Telangana. SRSP passed through various proposals of 257 tmc ft. followed by 160 tmc. ft. and ended with the construction at Pochampad with 112 tmc. ft. capacity. However, siltation caused heavy shrinkage in dead storage capacity with utilization of 86 tmc. ft. The initial contemplation of irrigated area of 40 lakh acres reduced to 16.9 lakh acres in the name of Pochampad project (SRSP) and is presently irrigating about 3.00 lakh acres by utilizing 66 tmc. ft. of water.The SRSP is to be executed in two stages by bringing areas of Adilabad, Nizamabad, Karimnagar, Warangal, Nalgonda districts. The canal works are yet be taken up in Warangal and Nalgonda. Lack of proper development of canals and distributaries and canal lining to contain seepages, has resulted, in the tail end farmers not been able to access water yet. The Government's threats, through its orders, to convert wet land use to irrigated dry through localization, which is advised by the World Bank with 1:3 ratio of wet and I.D. respectively is causing restlessness among farmers. Impact of irrigation in the Deltas is manifested by water logging and salination. This doesn't prompt the state to propose change of land use. This policy of overlooking the impact on environment arises out of the perception of the state that it would offend the powerful farming community and its fallout on state's politics. A small change in policy may spark off an agitation which was witnessed in the recent past in Coastal Andhra on account of the proposed increase of power tariff and irrigation cess.

Nizamsagar project, the earliest major project of Hyderabad state, across the river Manjira, a tributary of the river Godavari, is also affected with siltation thereby reducing its capacity from 29.73 tmc ft. to 25 tmc ft. The area proposed to be irrigated to the tune of 2.75 lakh acres has declined to about 1.00 lakh acres. There are various other schemes developed across the river Manjira to meet the drinking and industrial water needs of the city of Hyderabad. Under the Singoor project alone about 69 villages have been submerged and this has also happened to many other projects causing suffering to people of Telangana. The land use in the basins of Manjira and Musi is subjected to the continuous surveillance thereby denying the legitimate rights to subsistence irrigation needs to the drought prone districts of Medak and Rangareddy of Telangana. Rajolibanda Diversion Scheme was contemplated with 15 tmc ft. of water to irrigate 87,000 acres in severely drought prone Mahabubnagar district of Telangana was reduced to 6.51 tmc. ft. with an irrigable area of 50,000 acres (Eenadu). The much awaited Jurala project, was proposed with 28.2 tmc ft. and it is reduced to 17.84 tmc. ft. The project was to irrigate 1.02 lakh acres but ended with giving water to just 20,000 acres in Mahabubnagar district. Many proposals of lift irrigation in Mahabubnagar including Bhima are gathering dust. These are projected by successive Governments as proposals to be taken up in the plans and annual budgets for the sake of public consumption and more damagingly to procure funds which, in reality, are not used for the purpose.

The erstwhile state of Hyderabad along with that of Madras state conceived ,an irrigation project in 1930 at Nandikonda (Rao, 1979). The area contemplated for Telangana was about 7.9 lakh acres and 2.33 lakh acres for Andhra state (CBT & B, 1965 p. 152). The area of Telangana was reduced to about six lakh acres, one lakh acres through lift irrigation by Nagarjunasagar left bank canal has been left in the shape of the plan only. But the Visalandhra ideologues down through K.L. Rao, the siphon head of irrigation bureaucracy of Andhra region, conceived large area under Nagarjuna Sagar right bank canal and today it is irrigating coastal Andhra to the tune of 13.00 lakh acres against the original plan of 2.33 lakh acres.


Although there was a proposal of Srisailam irrigation scheme for 150 tmc. ft. in Telangana in front of Bachawat Tribunal, it has not been allocated even a drop of water for irrigation in Telangana and remains as a carry over reservoir, whose evaporation losses have been compensated by Bachawat award by allotting 33 tmc ft.(KWDT, 1976). The agitation for water in Rayalaseema gave rise to the committee in the year 1983. The Government of Andhra Pradesh appointed Technical Committee under the chairmanship of Raja Rao to assess the surplus water available in Krishna river. The committee in its report in 1985, estimated 300 tmc ft. surplus water in Krishna and allocated 30 tmc ft. for Srisailam Left Bank Canal (SLBC), 19 tmc ft. for Srisailam Right Bank Canal (SRBC), 29 tmc ft. for Telugu Ganga Project (TGP), besides the hitherto allocation of 15 tmc ft. for drinking needs of Madras (Rao, 1996). The Karnataka Government objected to surplus water as it would assume rights after 2001. However, the Government of Andhra Pradesh went ahead with the execution of TGP but left the SLBC to the confusion of confounding positions and statements. On account of the availability of more water in the river Godavari at Icchampally, some proposals were prepared under Icchampally project to irrigate through lift/gravity to the tune of 30 lakh acres and has remained at the stage of proposals.

The State's role in the irrigation environment of Andhra Pradesh, stands exposed on various fronts. Spatially, it has shown scant attention to drought and backwardness. Historically, it manipulated the planning, budgetary and execution of irrigation projects to the advantage of Coastal Andhra. Bureaucratic institutions created hurdles to delay the approvals and revisions at different stages. While negotiating irrigation in backward regions the state delayed the allocated budgets till last minute so that funds could be diverted to favored regions. Also the bias in favor of Coastal Andhra is evident in spending extra budgetary funds, early completion of projects, modernization of project, regular and repeated drainage and flood control works , construction of balancing reservoirs doubly assure irrigation.

The River Water Controversy

The major river basins of Deccan portray the irrigation scenario differently. The Krishna river paints the picture of the exhaustion of its water and the river Godavari emerges with under utilization of its water. In the light of Alamatti controversy many questions surfaced pertaining to river water sharing by riparian states / regions. The Government of Andhra Pradesh is arguing that the increase of the height of Alamatti project would prevent the early flows resulting from south west monsoon in Krishna during normal rainfall and thus result in the non availability of water for crops in kharif season in large agricultural tracts under the commands of Nagarjunasagar and Prakasam barrage. It is argued further that if there is a failure of monsoon the commands would go dry not only during kharif but also rabi season. However, it is to be mentioned that the state of Karnataka had to utilize river waters within the allocated quantity by leaving the legitimate share of waters to the state of Andhra Pradesh located in the down stream of the river Krishna. Establishment of an independent Krishna River valley Authority is therefore needed to judiciously regulate/allocate water to the needy regions in the river basin. It is noteworthy to mention here that the availability of water in the river Krishna is more in the upper reaches as huge bouts of rain water result in western ghats due to south west monsoon. On the contrary the water availability in Godavari Basin is in the lower reaches particularly at the confluence of Indravathi at Icchampally.

Interestingly the large tracts of the irrigation commands of Andhra Pradesh fall in the Coastal Andhra districts of Krishna, Guntur and Prakasam, representing the numerically and economically strong Kamma caste population which forms the backbone of Telugu Desam Party (TDP) besides providing leadership to other mainstream parties of Congress, CPI and CPI(M). The enterprising Kamma peasantry is in the forefront in absorbing innovations and technologies in agriculture. In the early part of colonial transition the farming/business community of the region readily absorbed the colonial /commercial farming techniques and gave rise to monoculturisation of agriculture. During the times of Green Revolution, the region became a natural choice for internalizing the water intensive crops with heavy, modern input-based agriculture. In fact, the historical development of irrigation in this region has come handy in embracing and accumulating the new found benefits of Green Revolution and modem development. Apart from being the theatre for modern agriculture, the region with Kamma peasantry became a launch pad for many social movements like anti-brahmin movement, nationalist movement, linguistic movement etc. With such rich inheritance the peasantry / business class of the region diversified into various fields. The peasant/businessmen expanded their base by migrating to the areas of emerging opportunities due to the merger of Hyderabad State with Andhra Region and emerged strong in urban centers, industrial nodes, irrigation tracts, mining locations, black soil belts.


The political parties representing ruling and opposition in A.P. rallied behind TDP in orchestrating a chorus against Karnataka whereas the same parties BJP, Congress etc., in Karnataka opposed the Andhra Pradesh stand on Alarnatti. Meanwhile, the questions of the water needs of the semi-desert catchments of the river Krishna in Telangana region have come to the fore. Of late the intelligentsia in Telangana raised the question of their legitimate share of Krishna water. They questioned the disproportionate utilization of Krishna waters in favor of the Coastal Andhra by converting lands of extra catchment of the river as irrigated tracts. This has given rise to the unfolding of the distribution of the waters among the riparian regions. The tribunal (Bachawat) award legitimized the over utilization of water by the Coastal Andhra at the expense of the fragile drought ecosystem of Telangana.

Politics of Irrigation Development

River-centric articulation of Telangana critiques the entire gamut of development and its socio-political initiatives. Historically, particularly from medieval period onwards, the society witnessed a few initiatives in the arena of tank irrigation which in fact have provided sustenance to semi-arid living, apart from serving the treasures of feudal states. The villages with unique presence of tank as a water body across the undulating Telangana landscape suffered setback with the onset of the rule of linguistic state. The juxtapositioning of the two historically different spaces - feudal and capitalist, under linguism has not only unveiled the neo-colonial development but also rejected the existence of hitherto decentralized water conservation system.

The leadership of Telangana has seen the century long irrigational benefits in Krishna Godavari Delta. And it has also witnessed a major political mobilization in Rayalaseema around Krishna river waters during the first quarter of twentieth century which culminated in Sri Bagh pact in 1937. The development of river waters to subsist the irrigational needs of drought prone territories of Rayalaseema became the major thrust of the agreement. Although the two processes have appeared before the dominant leadership of Telangana, they did not make water resources of Krishna and Godavari rivers as a major issue with statutory safeguards during the debate on formation of Vishalandhra. They stood mute witness to the arguments of the dominant caste leadership of the developed delta region and allowed claims over waters of two rivers before the SRC.

The Telangana leadership appended signatures to the Gentlemen's Agreement without even procuring proper statutory safeguards over the very vital and life saving river water resources belonging to the perennially drought prone territories of Telangana. Sharing of ministerial births dominated the agreement. It is callous on the part of the leadership coming from landlords to ignore the drinking and irrigational needs of the entire masses of Telangana. Perhaps, the feudal forces wanted the continuation of backwardness even after the demise of Nizam's feudal rule. The leadership developed through anti-Nizam armed struggle in Telangana was also swayed by the Coastal Andhra leadership.


Even after the formation of Andhra Pradesh the Telangana leadership was largely constituted by landed sections of the dominant castes - Reddy, Velama, which had never demanded a rightful share of river waters. This projects the fact, although it needs substantiation, that the landed sections of the dominant caste leadership have interests in continuation of backwardness of Telangana as the development is likely to percolate down the strata which may lead to the assertion of subalterns and therefore, the likely shift of power from status quoist arrangements. It also shows that the dominant caste/class forces of both the regions have developed nexus and would only pursue the policy of underdevelopment in the backward territories of the State.

Although a large number of irrigation projects like Bhima, Devanur, Icchampalli and also extension of Tungabhadra Left Canal into Mahaboobnagar, were on the anvil on the day of the formation of the state, the linguistic state sacrificed all the projects beneficial to Telangana and concentrated on the development of major irrigation through Nagarjunasagar by altering the Nandikonda project making it beneficial to Coastal Andhra. It is often stated that the very location of Nandikonda Project site was shifted to downwards so that the territories located in the higher elevations in Nalgonda and Khammam districts would not figure in the irrigational map. There was no protest registered by the Telangana leadership. If all the projects contemplated before the formation of state were to be executed the share of Krishna river water for Telangana would have increased manifold. The exploitative acts of Andhra rulers on the river water front had caused greater damage to the river water needs of Telangana.

In fact, the A.P. irrigation policy with an emphasis on major irrigation at the instance of Andhra leadership, coming from alluvial plains where tank irrigation is largely insignificant, has given rise to uneven development/irrigation policy of the regions with two different irrigation systems resulted in trying to eliminate the age old water conservation systems with chains of tank networks instead of taking up the complementary development. After the formation of the linguistic state, the government successfully ignored the maintenance and development of tanks land, allowed them to become unproductive through siltation, breaching etc to become advantageous to the down stream deltas by way of allowing the rain water to pass through the streams and rivulets.

Whatever little initiative has gone into tank irrigation has only facilitated the emergence of contractor class which gained enormously with brokerage and political employment. In fact there should have been an irrigation policy to renew tank, minor and medium irrigation by supplementing major irrigation as both the rivers pass through Telangana carrying heavy flows from the upper reaches. Therefore, the water bodies would have lessened the impact of drought and also the occurrence of drought.

At the instance of global powers and international institutions, the state is reformulating its irrigation policy. The elements of privatization through raising bonds are creeping into the policy making. The state is increasingly shedding its responsibility by assigning the irrigation to the Water Users Associations. This is again a step in the direction of privatization. Such acts of state only aggravate the already existing inequalities in the sphere of irrigation and agrarian economy and manifest sharply in the uneven regional development and exacerbation of drought and famine conditions in Telangana.


The developmental initiatives from the 1960s onwards in the form of Green Revolution have brought in new varieties of rice which are dependent on intensive inputs like water and chemical fertilizers and pesticides. In the absence of the surface water availability, the farmers are forced to go for borewell technology to draw subsurface water from greater depths which has resulted in uprooting of traditional water drawing technique which are sustainable and nature friendly. The borewells have also exerted pressure on the electrification as this is the only way of drawing water from tube well. Therefore the heavy boring of semi-arid surfaces and also the increase of electrification of pumpsets have given rise to the depletion of hydrological regime. Many bore wells are getting dried up at the instance of extensive pumping of water which resulted in the breaking down of the economy and causing serious unrest among the farmers of Telangana. The recurring drought was aided and abetted with hostile technology and water intensive commercial farming and the absence of surface water conservation development contributed to the complexity of life in Telangana and therefore, the process of marginalisation, migration and desertification.

Today drought is manifested in every facet of human life and it is particularly so with rural poor. The impact of drought is also experienced by animal and green cover. The fast depletion of grazing lands and also the non-availability of fodder are forcing the farmer to sell the cattle for slaughter. The exodus of people from rural areas has only made the living vulnerable. This has also proliferated the squatter settlements and slums in urban areas. The unabated migration that is going on from Coastal lands into Hyderabad for greater profits is also exerting pressure on services and infrastructure. Musi and Manjira rivers traverse the semi-arid lands of Rangareddy, Nalgonda, Medak and Nizamabad districts of Telangana. However, the large quantities of water from these rivers are diverted to subsist the industrial, drinking and other needs of Hyderabad. Otherwise, the rivers would have supplemented the water needs in these districts. Although some lands of Telangana were brought under major irrigation projects, a great number of Kamma peasantry migrated to the newly developed commands and displaced locals from land. The irrigation to wet the lands of local farmers in Telangana is also significantly cornered by migrant enterprising farmers of delta Andhra.


Conclusion

Irrigation politics in A.P. exposed the state's true colours of caste, class, regional bias and its machinations to promote their interests. The people of semi-arid regions in the face of monopolisation by entrenched interests are left with no option excepting constantly mobilising on regional, caste, class, resource fronts to fight against the man-made semi-arid environment of Telangana. People's articulation for democratising water resources is a natural corollary of this situation.

References
CBI & P, 1965:' Development of Irrigation',New Delhi
'Development of Drought-prone Areas'(DDPA), p.47.(-)
Directorate of Economics and Statistics (DES),'A.P.Statisties' 1955-56,1994-95.
Eenadu, 16 September, 1996.
'Excerpts from State Reorganisation Commission Report': in Olympus: A Monthly Journal of Arts & Ideas Vol. XVI No.2 November 1996.
Forrester, D.B. 1970: 'Sub-regionalism in India: The Case of Telangana', Pacific Affairs, Vol. XI, No.111, p.8.
'Further Report of Krishna Water Disputes Tribunal (KWDT)',1976: New Delhi.
Govt. of A.P. 1969: 'Before the Krishna Water Disputes Tribunal (KWDT): Statement of Case of A.P.'pp.9,35,62, MIP
'Perspectives on Telangana -I' 1997: Telangana Information Trust, Hyderabad.
Rao, K.J.R., 1996 : 'Alamatti Vivadhaniki Badhyulevaru?' (unpublished paper).
Rao, K.V.N., 1972: 'Telangana:A Study in the Regional Committees in India',MA,Calcutta p.57 Rao, M.G., 1979: 'Nagarjunasagar', BUB, Bombay.
Simhadri S. 1'996, 'Irrigation in A.P.: Betrayal of Telangana', "Olympus: A Monthly Journal of Arts & Ideas, Vol. xvi, -o. 2, Nov.
Simhadri S. 1996 :'Telangana Kanneeru Thudavani Krishna Nadhi', Vaartha, 22-23, September. The Hindu, 20 January, 1997.

Andhra Press and Disinformation


Pasham Yadagiri (Former Editor of Varthamanam)


The Telangana region has been a victim of conspiracy of silence, hatched by the Andhra rulers, actively abetted by Andhra press. The observation of M. Chalapati Rau that the freedom of press has degenerated into freedom of owner of printing machines aptly applies to Andhra press. The Andhra owners of Telugu newspapers without exception and the Andhra journalists with few exceptions never bothered to understand seriously the problem of Telangana region which accounts for a near one-third of circulation of Telugu newspapers.

The Andhra press has failed to empathize with the woes of Telangana people, being subjugated by successive rulers for over 800 years. The people of this region, in stark contrast to docile and content people of the other regions of the Andhra Pradesh, have been restless and volatile. The Telangana people fought Mallick Jaffers, Aurangazeb, the French army, the British army, Qutubshais and Asafjahis. They fought back the Razakars, created by the last Nizam, the world's richest man of his times. At least 10,000 peasants were killed by the Nizam's army and several thousands were jailed.

Even after the mighty Nizam's forces meekly surrendered to the powerful Indian army in 1948, the peasants of Telangana continued their struggle even against the Indian army to protect the lands they gained from Nizam and his stooges. The people fought the Andhra rulers in 1969 demanding separate Telangana. This upsurge had left 376 students killed by the police. The hunger and poverty, perpetuated by the Andhra rulers systematically, has provided a breeding ground for people's unrest and violence. The heroic sacrifices of Telangana people during Kakatiya regime, Asafjahi rule and Qutubshahi rule remained unsung and unmourned by the Andhra media. Through the Telangana armed struggle of peasants has no parallel in the history of coastal region, or for that matter any other parts of India, the heroes of the struggle are not considered freedom fighters by Andhra media.

The Andhra press similarly, have failed to empathize and sympathize with problems of the common man of Telangana. The starvation deaths of Mahbubnagar, the migration of legendary Palamur labor to unknown destinations in search of livelihood, drought or famine, highways chokes by endless herds of cattle on way to the slaughter houses, power crunch forcing the helpless farmers to engage gensets to pump water to their fields, hailstorms frequently destroying crop, livestock and even humans, forcible recovery of co-operative loans from the farmers of drought hit areas, desertification of vast agricultural lands, alienation of tribal lands, pollution of subterranean water sources, lack of drinking water, fluoride affected villages - to be precise the human misery that provides volumes of human interest new pieces to any journalist worth his salt and with heart in its right place do not find space in Andhra newspapers. The hunger in Ethiopia is rightly a prominent story in Andhra dailies, but the starvation deaths right in the very backyard of Hyderabad-based newspapers do not merit mention.

Andhra newspapers like elsewhere, have only two types of columns, i.e., human interest stories and vested interest stories. While there is no room for human interest stories, the vested interest stories dominate news of Andhra dailies. The unpaid columns of Andhra papers are almost fully occupied by disguised ads, which are subtle form of advocacy journalism. The news of floods in Andhra is prominent headline in Hyderabad daily but famine in Telangana is no news. The drainage problem in coastal delta is bigger news while the irrigation problem of Telangana are hushed up. The loss of property in coastal districts is more prominent news in dailies of even Hyderabad than the loss of life due to hailstorm in Telangana.

One would excuse the blackout of Telangana problems by Andhra press till 1975, because Vijayawada used to be publication center for Andhra newspapers. But the entire Andhra press started moving to Hyderabad since 1975 to graze virgin pastures of Telangana. Soon they realized that Telangana provided them ready and fast expanding market. Almost all chain newspapers have more than one-third of their circulation in Telangana while English newspapers and English periodicals have half their circulation in Telangana. Yet the Andhra Press is not loyal to its Telangana readers. It harbors extra-territorial loyalties. The problem of Andhra farmers are magnified and blown out of proportion, while those of Telangana farmers are either shown in poor light or blacked out. This is not a result of innocent mistake but an act of 'not so innocent' mistake. The management of Andhra newspapers have financial interests in Andhra region. Any focus on Telangana problem may lead to demand for expenditure on irrigation facilities or power and transmission lines. It may prevent siphoning of funds to Andhra projects. Apart from this, the management have developed political

Drinking Water Scenario in Telangana

Krishna Rao Naram (Former Chief Engineer, Govt. of A.P.)


Today, we are witnessing a series of revival meetings for demanding separate Telnagana. Their zeal and enthusiasm are like that of born-again Christians carrying on a crusade against injustice. It is axiomatic that exploitation occurs only between two unequal and that the exploiter would always like to keep the exploited weak. Therefore, development of the Telangana region in a combined state is theoretically not possible. This leaves little scope for the implementation of developmental strategies even if they are suggested. This is precisely what has been happening. For example, the magnificent prosperity of the people living downstream of two mighty rivers Krishna and Godavari, is due to adequate utilization of their waters for their benefit. This is hardly the case with Telangana through which these rivers pass. The people of Telangana, particularly of this generation, feel they are cheated out of their educational and employment opportunities. Add to this the absence of any developmental programs. No wonder, the people are disenchanted and frustrated. Because of the violation of rules made to protect their interests, their faith and credibility in the government has been getting guide seriously eroded. What they are asking for in these meetings, is their right to guide their own destiny. They are not asking for anything that belongs to others. They regard it utterly fatuous when someone tells them not to ask for separation. They see it as an invitation to be exploited further. And they consider it extremely uncouth and uncivilized the way some people try to humiliate them in their own house.

Coming to the question of regional imbalances which are in reality the outcome of discrimination and neglect, it surprising that even in the matter of supplying water to drink, a strange type of indifference can easily be noticed on the part of government . Although Hyderabad is the capital of unified Andhra Pradesh, the water scheme drawing water from the Krishna has been allowed to languish on the drawing boards for almost a quarter of a century. In order to delay the scheme, government has been spending crores of rupees in the name of fresh appraisals; a scheme that was recommended by three expert committees and for which two foundations stones have already been laid, sites fixed and compound walls built. To develop the concept, a private consultant was paid Rs 5 crores whereas, there is hardly anything left to conceive. Meanwhile, the cost of the scheme has gone up from Rs. 129 crores to 180 crores; which means, if the scheme is even taken up and commissioned, only those living on the Banjara Hills and few others, can afford to buy that water, aggravating further the hardship faced by vast majority of city's population, and incidentally, that of the surrounding municipalities that now form part of the so called megacity. Meanwhile, the water from different river basin is increasingly being diverted to the city depriving the people of Medak and farmers toiling for generations in the are under Nizamsagar their legitimate share. The most tragic of all is the case of Nalgonda. People for generations have been facing the twin problems of scarcity and excess fluoride in the water.

The Royal Netherlands Government had offered to provide financial assistance, which is non-repayable, to provide fluoride-free water to the people who are suffering from crippling effects of flourosis. It is really pathetic to see people afflicted with the disease. Yet no serious effort has been made to secure the grant offered. Under this scheme. around three hundred villages and an equal number of hamlets were to be covered. It was also proposed that Srisailam Left Bank Canal should provide water for some of these villages. The Dutch experts were shocked to hear that though the canal is being dug, nothing has been done to make the water flow in it.

The areas around Hyderabad where the industries are located have become unlivable; the ground water is polluted, denying the people water to drink and the air vitiated in such a way that breathing is hazard. The waste treatment plant has been declared as the biggest polluter by the Supreme Court of India.

The general feeling one can gauge in these meetings is that they have crossed the point of no return. Hope held out for so long has been tormenting their soul; anything offered now is not likely to affect their resolve. They attribute it to sheer arrogance when they hear people saying that they will not concede Telangana.

Telangana is nobody's pocket. It does not lie in their mouth to criticize those who favor separation when they themselves have deified the man who wrested the Andhra region from the erstwhile Madras province. In spite of all this, it is remarkable that the voice of the protagonists of Telangana is conciliatory. They believe that affection grows with separation. Bonds that have been established between the two Telugu speaking people can never break. And Telangana, as it has been its traditions, will continue to welcome all those who have genuine love for it. Telangana invites them wholeheartedly to participate in search for and the selection of the most appropriate developmental alternatives for this region, not only to remove the present imbalance but also to lay the path towards a glorious future. The real celebration of the fiftieth year of our independence as a nation lies in this.

Regional Disparities in The Realm Of Education: The A.P. Scenario


K.Jayashankar (Former Vice-Chancellor, Kakatiya University)


Deep distrust among the people living in different regions of the state has all along characterised the first linguistic state of India, the State of Andhra Pradesh. This phenomenon is the inevitable consequence of the regional imbalances in the levels of development perpetrated during the last forty years and likely to be continued in the future as well. In such a situation, the people become a inxious more about the problems of bread and butter while the issues concerning linguistic unity and cultural affinity hardly matter.

The Telugu-speaking people living not only in the Telangana region but also in the Rayalaseema region always had doubts about getting a fair deal in the then proposed state called Vishalandra. The periodic recurrence of unrest and consequent efforts to pacify the people by foisting pacts, agreements, accords, formulae etc., bring this distrust to the fore. The Sri Bagh Pact of 1937 aimed at infusing confidence in the people of Rayalaseema was almost still born in its effect. The Gentlemen's Agreement of 1956, which was an assurance of fair play given to the people of Telangana to facilitate the formation of Andhra Pradesh, was scuttled the very same day on which the state was born; ironically enough, by the very same 'Gentlemen' who were signatories to the agreement. The All Party Accord, the Eight Point Formula, the Five Point Formula-the supposed panacea expected to heal the wounds inflicted by the, massive Telangana agitation of 1969- never really worked. The Six Poin! t Formula, a counter prescription to meet the situation created by yet another upheaval in 1972 - the Andhra agitation-further eroded the confidence of the people of Telangana in the political leadership, irrespective of the party it belonged to and irrespective of the region it hailed from. All these exercises ultimately turned out to be futile as they were at best attempts to treat the symptoms rather than the malady. Distrust, therefore, continues to persist.

The objective of this paper is to present a comparative account of development achieved in one of the vital sectors i.e., education. The sources of data are the reports compiled, or published by the state government and other official agencies.

It is to be noted in this context that when the state of Andhra Pradesh was formed there were only two recognised regions in the state-Andhra and Telangana- since Rayalaseema was considered a part of Andhra. After the Andhra agitation of 1972 and the resultant imposition of Six Point Formula, the state was divided into seven zones treating the capital city as a separate entity. The rationale underlying this decision was to make the capital city equally accessible to the people living in all parts of the state. This has the appearance of fairness, but in reality it has deprived the people of Telangana of their legitimate right by a subtle play, which made the twin cities of Hyderabad and Secunderabad more accessible to the people of coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema, and more inaccessible to the people of Telangana. It is, therefore, necessary not to mistake the development of capital city with the development of Telangana region or any other region for that matter. In the pr! esent analysis the capital city is treated as a separate region, in conformity with the philosophy of Six Point Formula.


The Basic Factors

The main factors that generally form a basis for evolving strategies of development of a region are its geographical area and population, besides resource endowment and the levels of development already achieved. Geographically, Telangana is the largest region of the state covering 41.46 per cent of the total area. while the Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema cover 33.57 per cent and 24.93 per cent, respectively. Telangana is inhabited by 39.22 per cent of state's population and the share of Coastal Andhra is 43.20 per cent and that of Rayalaseema 17.58. The development of Telangana region has therefore to be assessed keeping these basic factors in view.


Rate of Literacy

At the time of formation of Andhra Pradesh it was assured that disparities on the levels of development, including education, in different regions of the state would be removed in about five years. But even after forty years, the percentage of literate population in Telangana continues to be the lowest in the state i.e. 37.00 as compared to 46.22 in Coastal Andhra, 44.96 in Rayalaseema and 71.52 in the capital city. Districtwise details regarding the rates of literacy are given in Table 1.

Table I
Literacy Rate(%) Districtwise (A.P.)
SI.NODistrict/RegionLiteracy
CoastalAndhra46.22
1 Srikakulam 6.22
2. Vizianagaram 44.19
3. Visakhapatnam 45.51
4. East Godavari 48.79
5 West Godavari 53.38
6. Krishna 53.16
7. Guntur 46.35
8. Prakasam 40.30
9. Nellore 47.76
Rayalaseema 44.96
10. Anantapur 42.18
11. Chittoor 49.75
12. Cuddapah 48.12
13. Kurnool 39.97
Telangana37.00
14. Adilabad 32.96
15. Karimnagar 37.17
16. Khammam 40.50
17. Mahabubnagar 29.58
18. Medak 32.41
19. Nalgonda 38.00
20. Nizamabad 34.18
21. Rangareddy 49.07
22. Warangal 39.30
23.Hyderabad (Capital city) 71.52
Andhra Pradesh 44.09

This has happened because of uneven distribution of educational facilities in different regions of the state. For clarity, a region-wise analysis is made, selectively, comprising-school education, universities, engineering and medical colleges. The facts are as follows:


School Education

The important point to be kept in mind, in this regard, is the percentage of population spread over different regions of the state (Coastal Andhra 43.20 per cent, Rayalaseema 17.58 per cent and Telangana 39.22 per cent) in order to assess the adequacy or otherwise of the facilities for education created vis-a-vis the size of the population and the levels of literacy achieved, in these regions. The data chosen for this analysis pertain to the year 1993 (the latest made available by the government) and the figures shown in the brackets are percentages.

During this period, there were a little over 70.31 lakh students in the state enrolled in the primary and upper primary schools run by the government, local bodies and private management's both aided and unaided. The regionwise break-up would be: Coastal Andhra 32.11 lakhs (45.67 per cent), Rayalaseema 13.86 lakhs (10.7 per cent), Telangana 22.53 lakhs (32.04 per cent) and capital city 1.81 lakhs (2.57 per cent). It should be realised that the unaided primary schools do not reflect the endeavour of the government, and if such institutions are not taken into account, the positions would be as follows: Coastal Andhra 31.11 lakhs (48.22 per cent), Rayalaseema 12.81 lakhs (I 9.85 per cent), Telangana 19.71 lakhs (30.55 per cent) and capital city 0.88 lakhs (1.36 per cent).

The position obtaining at the high school level is also more or less similar i.e., Coastal Andhra 47.00 per cent, Rayalaseema 18.30 per cent, Telangana 32.00 per-cent and capital city 2.70 per cent.

These figures are self-explanatory, evidently not commensurate with the size of the population of Telangana region and its backwardness. In all fairness, at least 40 per cent of the students enrolled at different levels of education should be from the Telangana region, but they never constituted more than 30 or 32 per cent of the total enrolment. This state of affairs is bound to further aggravate the problem of disparities in the years to come.

University Education

Regional disparities with regard to university education are more glaring. The three regions of the state have two universities each with their jurisdiction restricted to the regions concerned. The Osmania University, however, stands on a different footing because of its location and also for historical reasons. The imposition of Six Point Formula has, in fact, nullified its regional character.

In addition to the six universities with regional jurisdiction, there are six more universities having their jurisdiction over the entire state. None of these universities is located in the Telangana region. Of these six universities, the University of Health Sciences is located in the Coastal Andhra region (Vijayawada) and the Women's University in the Rayalaseema region (Tirupati), while all the other four universities, i.e., Agricultural University, Technological University, Open University and Telugu University are in the capital city. Further, the Agricultural and Technological Universities have their campuses and colleges in the Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions as well, but no such facility exists in the Telangana region. It may be recalled that the Technological University was actually started at Warangal in the Telangana region, but was subsequently shifted to Hyderabad for inexplicable reasons. Similarly, the Open University was initially launched at Nagarj! unasagar in the Telangana Region, but was later started in the capital city, again for no valid reasons. There are two institutions of higher learning deemed to be universities, namely, the Nizam's Institute of Medical Sciences and the S.V. Institute of Medical Sciences. The former is located in the capital city and the latter at Tirupati in the Rayalaseema region. In addition, a Sanskrit university funded by the Government of India and the Satya Sai Institute of Higher learning, a deemed university in private sector, also are located in the Rayalaseema region at Tirupati and Anantapur, respectively. It is further proposed to locate the University for Dravidian Languages at Kuppam in the Rayalaseema region.

There are two more institutions in the capital city which are fully funded by the University Grants Commission. They are: The Central Institute of English and Foreign Languages, a deemed university and the University of Hyderabad, established in the year 1975, as an offshoot of the Six Point Formula. The primary objective of starting this university was to augment the facilities of university education in the capital city so as to compensate, at least partially, the loss sustained by the youth of Telangana region under the Six Point Formula. But no one, neither in the government nor in the university, seems to remember this fact of history; and thereby, the very purpose of starting this university has been defeated. Today, the University of Hyderabad is as good - or as bad - as any other central university in the country in so far as giving preferential treatment to any particular region in matters of admission and recruitment of staff is concerned.

Regarding the appointment of vice-chancellors of six state-level universities and the directors of two deemed universities, besides other three functionaries of identical status, i.e., the chairman and vice-chairman of A.P. State Council of Higher Education and the chairman of A.P. College Service Commission, Telangana region has all along received a raw deal. Out of these eleven functionaries only one, at present, belongs to the Telangana region and all the other ten hail either from the Coastal Andhra or the Rayalaseema regions. While it is not a reflection on the persons who are now heading these institutions, it is certainly a cause of concern for the academics of Telangana region who are constantly ignored. Such a partisan approach, over the years, has adversely affected the interests of the region in matters of recruitment of staff to the teaching as well as non-teaching cadres. It is significant to note that the staff pattern of these universities is predominantly ! (more than 90 percent in quite a few cases) characterised by the Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema personnel.


Engineering Education

The Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University which was originally started at Warangal and subsequently shifted to the capital city does not have even a single college located in the Telangana region. Even with regard to the starting of private engineering colleges, the Telangana region has been discriminated against. Out of a total of seventeen colleges in the private sector, only one college is in the entire Telangana region. The Regional Engineering College, however, is situated in Warangal; but its jurisdiction is not confined to the state of Andhra Pradesh alone, leave alone the Telangana region.

Medical Education

There are nine government medical colleges in the state, out of which four are in the Coastal Andhra region, two in the Rayalaseema region, two in the capital city and only one in the Telangana region. The three nursing colleges in the government sector are shared equally by Coastal Andhra, Rayalaseema and the capital city, with the Telangana region drawing a blank. Regarding the nursing schools attached to government hospitals, the position is more or less the same i.e., three are located in Coastal Andhra, two in Rayalaseema, two in the capital city and only one in Telangana.

Conclusion

Educational development affects, and in turn, gets affected by the pace of economic development. There is a bi-directional linkage, and in this process the low rates of literacy and economic backwardness sustain each other. This precisely is the problem of Telangana.

Telangana Journal : Articles on Telangana State Movement